Burka Britain

Two-thirds of Britons would like to see the burka banned in this country, notwithstanding the fact that the Home Secretary has indicated that the Government has no intention of moving in the same direction as France, where a law prohibiting the burka, niqab and other face-coverings being worn in public came into force this week.

This finding comes from an online poll by YouGov conducted on 11 and 12 April 2011 among a representative sample of 2,258 adults aged 18 and over. The full results have been posted at:

http://today.yougov.co.uk/sites/today.yougov.co.uk/files/yg-archives-pol-yougov-burqa-130411.pdf

Following an introductory explanation of what a burka is, respondents were asked whether they thought the garment should be banned in Britain. 40% agreed strongly that it should be and a further 26% agreed. The combined percentage of 66% compared with 67% on 14-15 July 2010, when YouGov first asked the question. 27% disagreed with a ban, while 7% expressed no opinion.

Dissentients were most likely to be found among the young (42% for the 18-24s, 37% for the 25-39s) and Liberal Democrat voters (39%). Proponents of the ban were concentrated among the over-60s (79%) and Conservative voters (77%). These age and party political differentials are characteristic of most British polls measuring attitudes to Islam and Muslims.

Those opposed to the burka often see it as a barrier to integration and a coercion of women, but those resisting a ban worry that such legislative action would be an infringement of human rights.

Several surveys on the topic were conducted last year, in addition to the first YouGov study. See our posts at:

http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=45 (1 February 2010)

http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=92 (3 March 2010)

http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=378 (9 July 2010)

http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=397 (22 July 2010)

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British Muslims and the Police

Taken as a whole, Muslims in England and Wales express higher levels of trust and confidence in the police than do the general population, notwithstanding the fact that they report crime and disorder impacts more negatively upon them than society at large.

This conclusion, from secondary analysis of the British Crime Surveys (BCS), is held to challenge the oft-repeated claim that Muslims have been profoundly alienated by the workings of Prevent policing since its inception in 2003, as part of the Government’s CONTEST counter-terrorism strategy.

This research is written up in a new report commissioned and published by the Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) Terrorism and Allied Matters (TAM) Business Area. Assessing the Effects of Prevent Policing, by Martin Innes, Colin Roberts and Helen Innes of the Universities’ Police Science Institute at Cardiff University, is available for download from:

http://www.acpo.police.uk/documents/TAM/2011/PREVENT%20Innes%200311%20Final%20send%202.pdf

The quantitative data in the report derive from BCS studies undertaken among adults aged 16 and over in England and Wales between 2004/5 and 2008/9. The Muslim sub-samples were large: about 1,800 in 2004/5, 2005/6 and 2006/7 (when there was an ethnic minority booster), and 1,000 in 2007/8 and 2008/9. A few findings are summarized below.

In addition, there was a qualitative investigation, comprising 95 in-depth, semi-structured interviews with Muslim community members and police involved in delivering Prevent, but this evidence is not considered here.

The 2008/9 BCS showed that Muslims were more likely than the general population to give their local police a rating of excellent or good. This was true of all Muslim gender and age groups, separately considered. Although young Muslims (aged 16-34) of both sexes were less likely to give this rating than the over-34s, 59% against 66%, this was still 6% more than for young adults generally. But Muslim males aged 16-24 were an exception to this rule, a possible by-product of Prevent policing.

This mostly positive picture was largely confirmed by seven measures of local police effectiveness in the 2008/9 survey, 34% of Muslims compared with 23% of the general population agreeing with all seven. Agreement with individual measures was naturally much higher, for example 75% of Muslims against 67% of the general population having confidence in the police in their area. Only in the matter of being treated with respect when in contact with the police were Muslims slightly more negative than all adults; even so, 81% remained optimistic on this point.

Muslims were more inclined than the general population to regard a raft of criminal activities and social disorders as problematical, especially teenagers hanging around on the street, drug use and public drinking. This was true across all five BCS studies considered. Throughout the same period Muslims were also impacted more (in terms of quality of life) by the fear of crime and actual crime than were citizens generally. Muslim perceptions of the local crime rate were likewise higher than the norm.

On average over the quinquennium, Muslims were about 15% more likely than all adults to be very or fairly worried about falling victim to a crime, the 2008/9 statistics being 52% and 35%. The differential was maintained for concerns about six specific types of crime. However, Muslims were markedly less prone (by a factor of 20% in some years) to have reported to the police that they had been such a victim.

Despite these anxieties about crime, the vast majority of all adults in the 2007/8 BCS endorsed the statement that people from different backgrounds got on well together. This was particularly true of Muslims and, within this faith community, of inner city residents and women. The overall Muslim figure of 87% represented a dramatic recovery from 2006/7, when it had collapsed to 42%, almost certainly a reflection of perceived enmity towards Muslims following the London bombings in 2005.

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Group-Focused Enmity in Europe

Fresh light on anti-Semitism and Islamophobia in Britain is shed in a report published by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Berlin on 11 March 2011. Entitled Intolerance, Prejudice and Discrimination: A European Report, it is written by Andreas Zick, Beate Kupper and Andreas Hovermann. It is available to download from:

http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/do/07908-20110311.pdf

The publication is based upon the Group-Focused Enmity in Europe project which is located at the Bielefeld Institute for Interdisciplinary Research on Conflict and Violence, and which has been supported by funding from a consortium of six foundations.

Fieldwork for the underlying survey was conducted in eight European countries during autumn 2008: France, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, Italy, The Netherlands, Poland and Portugal. A sample of 1,000 adults aged 16 and over was interviewed by telephone by TNS in each nation.

Attitudes to various groups were measured, but this particular report concentrates on a sub-set of six types of prejudice: anti-immigrant views, anti-Semitism, homophobia, Islamophobia (or anti-Muslim attitudes, as they are termed here), racism and sexism.

There continues to be evidence of anti-Semitism in Britain, with 14% of adults agreeing that Jews had too much influence, 22% that they tried to take advantage of being victims during the Nazi era, and 23% that they did not care about anything or anybody except their own kind.

However, these figures were actually the lowest for all the eight countries, with the exception of The Netherlands. Britain and The Netherlands came joint first on a fourth measure, agreeing that Jews enriched the national culture (72%). Hungary and Poland were generally most negative about the Jews.

Levels of hostility rose somewhat when the question of Israel-Palestine was put to a half-sample. 36% of Britons said that, given Israeli policy, they could understand why people did not like Jews. Still more, 42%, concurred that Israel was conducting a war of extermination against the Palestinians, which was a bigger proportion than in Hungary, Italy and The Netherlands.

Negativity towards Muslims was greater still. 45% of Britons considered that there were too many Muslims in the country, 50% claimed that they were too demanding, and 47% regarded Islam as a religion of intolerance.

These three items were combined into a scale of anti-Muslim attitudes. While Hungary and Poland were about as Islamophobic as they were anti-Semitic, the mean scores for the remaining nations were much higher than for anti-Semitism, Britain included. Portugal was least Islamophobic.

Other questions did not form part of this scale but, administered to a half-sample, reinforced the evidence of enmity. Only 39% in Britain felt that the Muslim culture fitted well into the country and Europe, and 82% viewed Muslim attitudes towards women as contradicting British values. 38% believed that many Muslims perceived terrorists as heroes, and 26% that the majority of Muslims found terrorism justifiable.

Anti-Muslim sentiments were shown to have an especially strong relationship with anti-immigrant views, and this was particularly true of Britain. The correlation between anti-immigrant and anti-Semitic opinions was less marked but still observable. Anti-Muslim and anti-Semitic attitudes had a relationship of medium strength.

Correlations with self-assessed religiosity were explored in a separate report on the same survey: Beate Kupper and Andreas Zick, Religion and Prejudice in Europe: New Empirical Findings (Alliance Publishing Trust, 2010), which can be found at:

http://www.alliancemagazine.org/books/religionandprejudice.pdf

Whereas, for Europe as a whole, the researchers discovered that ‘the more religious individuals are, the more prejudiced they are’, the pattern in Britain was more complex.

For Britons greater religiosity was most associated with sexism and homophobia, and – to a lesser extent – with racism and anti-immigrant views. In the cases of anti-Semitism and Islamophobia, the very religious were the least prejudiced of the four religiosity groups but the quite religious were the most prejudiced.

Overall, 5% of Britons described themselves as very religious, 29% as quite religious, 27% as not very religious, and 38% as not at all religious. A YouGov poll of 5,000 plus respondents for The Sun last month revealed that 27% saw themselves as religious and 71% not.

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Media Portrayal of Groups

The ways in which the media portray groups has been in the news again recently, following the suspension by All3Media of Brian True-May, the producer of Midsomer Murders on ITV, for remarks he made in a Radio Times interview.

True-May referred to the programme series, which has an all-white cast, as ‘the last bastion of Englishness’ and argued that part of its appeal was the absence of ethnic minorities from the story-lines. He added that he wanted to keep it that way.

True-May’s suspension created a backlash about political correctness in some sections of the media. He was subsequently reinstated following an apology but is apparently stepping down from the programme at the end of its current run.

The Sun took the opportunity presented by the row to commission YouGov to undertake an online poll of 2,666 Britons aged 18 and over to ask, more generally, whether different groups were normally fairly or unfairly portrayed in the media. Fieldwork took place on 15 and 16 March, and the data tables are available at:

http://today.yougov.co.uk/sites/today.yougov.co.uk/files/yg-archives-pol-sun-mediarep-160311.pdf

Christians and Muslims were two of the groups on the list of seventeen, although (strangely) ethnic minorities were not a separate category.

39% of adults said that Christians were portrayed fairly, 12% unfairly positively, 27% unfairly negatively, with 22% unsure. Those thinking them depicted unfairly negatively were disproportionately found among Conservative voters (37%) and the over-60s (35%). The 18-24s had the highest proportion considering them to be portrayed unfairly positively (18%).

30% of respondents believed that Muslims were portrayed fairly in the media, 15% unfairly positively, 34% unfairly negatively, with 20% uncertain. Liberal Democrats (50%), Scots (49%) and the 18-24s (45%) were most likely to say that Muslims received unfairly negative coverage.

YouGov calculated a net score for each group, by subtracting the unfairly negative figure from the unfairly positive. On this basis, Christians and Muslims were not far apart, -15 and -19 respectively.

Interestingly, only three of the seventeen groups scraped in with positive scores: businessmen (+6), bankers (+2), and Conservative supporters (0).

Minus scores which were better than for both Christians and Muslims were recorded by Labour supporters (-3), middle class people (-3), people from the USA (-5), women (-5), gays/lesbians/bisexuals (-5), disabled people (-13), and transsexuals (-14).

Immigrants (-17) fared worse than Christians but better than Muslims. Gypsies and travellers scored the same as Muslims. Three groups were lower than Christians and Muslims: the elderly (-21), working class people (-23), and the young (-36).

An alternative ranking of the groups according to the number thinking they were fairly portrayed in the media had a high of 53% for women and a low of 26% for transsexuals. Christians came ninth equal and Muslims fourteenth on this ordering.

If these results are taken as some kind of proxy measure of religious discrimination, then clearly there is some, albeit age prejudice on the part of the media is seen to be an even more serious problem.

There have been a fair number of content-based analyses of religion in the media over recent years. Some have been generic, such as Kim Knott’s longitudinal study of newspaper and television representations. Others have focused particularly on Muslims in the media, including the work of Elizabeth Poole and John Richardson.

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Israel-Palestine Conflict

Public perceptions of the religious dimensions of the Israel-Palestine conflict are illuminated in a six-nation ICM poll released on 13 March and undertaken on behalf of the Al Jazeera Centre for Studies (established in 2006), the Middle East Monitor (MEMO, founded in 2009) and the European Muslim Research Centre (EMRC), launched in 2010 at the University of Exeter.

Fieldwork was conducted online on 19-25 January 2011 among a representative sample of 7,045 adults aged 18 and over in Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy, The Netherlands and Spain. There were 2,031 British respondents.

The survey posed ten questions relating to the Israel-Palestine situation, several of them sub-divided, and only those touching overtly on religion are highlighted here. Broader findings can be found in the three major published research outputs from the poll:

the 41 pages of national data tables at:

http://www.icmresearch.co.uk/pdfs/2011_march_memo_israelpalestine_poll.pdf

the 44-page ICM report and analysis at:

http://www.middleeastmonitor.org.uk/downloads/other_reports/public-perceptions-of-the-palestine-israel-conflict-FINAL-REPORT-icm.pdf

the 50-page MEMO report and analysis at:

http://www.middleeastmonitor.org.uk/downloads/reports/european-public-perceptions-of-the-israel-palestine-conflict-memo.pdf

Additionally, through the kindness of ICM, BRIN has been given access to the unpublished data tables for Great Britain, giving breaks by gender, age, working status, housing tenure, education level, ethnicity and region.

Asked which three or four things came into mind on hearing the words ‘Israeli-Palestinian conflict’, 47% of the weighted sample of Europeans cited religious conflict, ranging from 34% in The Netherlands to 51% in France. The British figure was 46%.

Answering the same question, 24% of Europeans mentioned Islamic organizations, with a low of 20% in Britain (but 27% among the over-55s) and a high of 30% in The Netherlands. 17% of Europeans referred to Muslims/Arabs, including 15% of Britons (rising to 21% in the North-West, Yorkshire and the Humber and the East Midlands).

65% of Europeans agreed that Israel is a country where there is oppression and domination by one religious group over another. The proportion was highest in Spain (72%) and stood at 57% in Britain, but reached 63% among men and ethnic minorities and 66% for those with a university degree or equivalent. Only 9% of Britons and 13% of Europeans said that all religious groups were treated the same in Israel, the remainder giving other replies.

17% of Europeans and 23% of Britons (the largest proportion of all six countries, and increasing to 30% for the over-55s) agreed that European citizens who are Jewish should be allowed to serve in the Israeli army. 34% and 20% respectively disagreed, with 22% and 29% uncertain.

12% of Europeans and 6% of Britons agreed that being critical of Israel makes a person anti-Semitic. 50% and 52% respectively disagreed, with 17% and 25% undecided. Agreement was highest in Germany (19%). In Britain disagreement reached 59% with men, the over-55s and Londoners and 61% among the university-educated.

36% of Europeans and 28% of Britons agreed that the Israel-Palestine conflict fuels anti-Semitism in Europe. 21% and 20% respectively disagreed, with 18% and 28% don’t knows. Agreement was highest in France (46%). In Britain peak agreement was registered by those owning their homes outright and graduates (32% each), the over-55s (33%), residents of the North-West (34%) and the Welsh (35%).

39% of Europeans and 32% of Britons agreed that the Israel-Palestine conflict fuels Islamophobia in Europe. 20% and 19% respectively disagreed, with 16% and 26% uncertain. Agreement was highest in Italy (45%). In Britain agreement peaked among the 18-24s, graduates and Londoners (36% each), ethnic minorities (38%), residents of the South-West (39%) and students (41%).

48% of Europeans and 40% of Britons agreed that Israel exploits the history of the sufferings of the Jewish people to generate public support. Just 13% and 11% respectively disagreed, with 17% and 27% don’t knows. Agreement was especially high in Germany (53%) and Spain (54%). In Britain 51% of the over-55s and 48% of men were critical of Israel for being exploitative in this regard.

Three brief comments on the overall British data (including questions not considered here) may be ventured.

First, a relatively high proportion of Britons (one-quarter or more) express no clear views on the Israel-Palestine conflict. To a limited extent, this may indicate a position of benign neutrality, but more typically it is likely to reflect a lack of familiarity with the issues. The politics of the Middle East are not necessarily followed closely by everybody.

Second, there is significant criticism of Israel, both for the way it functions as a state and for the actions it has taken on the Palestinian question. This contrasts markedly with the 1950s and 1960s when Israel was widely accorded ‘underdog’ status in Britain. Now it is often seen as oppressor. The trend data can be studied in Clive Field, ‘John Bull’s Judeophobia: Images of the Jews in British Public Opinion Polls since the late 1930s’, Jahrbuch für Antisemitismusforschung, Vol. 15, 2006, pp. 259-300.

Third, much of this antipathy to Israel is probably rooted, not simply in increasing sympathy for the plight of the Palestinians, but in concerns that Israel’s role in the Middle East is exacerbating religious tensions in Britain and Europe. This is true both of anti-Semitism and Islamophobia, given that preoccupation with Israel-Palestine has been a major factor in giving British Muslims a public profile and voice. International relations are, therefore, frequently being viewed through a British domestic lens.

The overall tenor of the findings, and of the textual reports which analyse and interpret them, seems likely to create some controversy. Doubtless, there will be negative reactions from Israeli and some Jewish quarters in due course. Whether this survey sparks quite so much outrage as the 2003 European Commission poll, which identified Israel as the greatest threat to world peace, is more doubtful.

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Religion, Youth and Sexuality

‘Sex and religion are generally considered uncomfortable bedfellows.’ So begins a new 24-page report which offers fascinating insights into the diversity of interactions between religion and sexuality among the young.

Authored by Andrew Kam-Tuck Yip (University of Nottingham), Michael Keenan (Nottingham Trent University) and Sarah-Jane Page (Durham University), the document can be downloaded from:

http://www.nottingham.ac.uk/sociology/pdfs/rys-research-report.pdf

Entitled Religion, Youth and Sexuality: Selected Key Findings from a Multi-Faith Exploration, it represents the first published output from a 26-month project funded by the Religion and Society Programme of the Arts and Humanities Research Council and the Economic and Social Research Council between January 2009 and February 2011.

A full-length book from the project, by the same authors, and provisionally entitled Religious and Sexual Journeys: A Multi-Faith Exploration of Young Believers, will follow from Ashgate next year.

The research was undertaken among 693 young people aged 18-25 living in the UK and who were Buddhists, Christians (the majority, 57%), Hindus, Jews, Muslims or Sikhs and of varying sexualities. 82% were British citizens. 65% were white. 72% were students. 66% were women. 66% were single.

Information was gathered in three stages. All 693 participants completed an online questionnaire between May 2009 and June 2010. Some were then selected for further investigation in stages 2 and 3. These involved, respectively, face-to-face interviews with 61 participants between November 2009 and June 2010; and video diaries recorded by 24 participants over seven days between February and November 2010.

The report contains both quantitative and qualitative data. In considering the former, however, BRIN users should bear in mind that, for reasons which are not fully explained in the report (but which must doubtless include cost and the sensitive nature of the subject matter), it was not possible to select respondents according to recognized random or quota sampling methods.

Therefore, it remains an open question just how statistically representative the findings may be. From this perspective, it is worth quoting in full the section of the report which describes methodology:

‘The participants were recruited in diverse ways. Primarily, the research team sent publicity posters, postcards and e-mails to a wide variety of groups such as those working with religious young adults, sexual health organisations, support groups for sexual minorities, cultural associations and university religious and non-religious student groups.’

‘The team also used various personal networks and asked participants to refer others to the project. A website and a Facebook page were also established to publicise the project. Further, advertisements were placed in printed and online media.’

That said, here is a selection of numerical headlines from the report:

RELIGION

  • 78% felt their faith made them a better person
  • 42% said their faith was the greatest influence over how they lived their life
  • 70% said they made decisions in their everyday life with reference to their religion
  • 67% did not believe that being religious made their everyday life more difficult
  • 74% considered religion gave them a connection to their community
  • 48% regarded themselves as religious liberals and 25% as conservatives
  • 65% were involved in a religious community
  • 57% attended a religious service at least once a week
  • 55% reported the majority of their friends were religious
  • 65% agreed religion was a force for good in the world
  • 69% agreed their religion is negatively portrayed in the media
  • 69% (75% of Christians) considered religious people are stigmatized in Britain
  • 40% had hidden their religious identity from others
  • 63% agreed their religion emphasized equality of the sexes
  • 73% (56% of Muslims) disagreed that religious authority figures should be male

SEXUALITY

  • 70% agreed their religious faith shaped their sexual attitudes
  • 63% agreed their religious faith shaped their sexual practices
  • 74% defined themselves as heterosexual, 10% as homosexual and 8% as bisexual
  • 43% were sexually active, ranging from 77% for Buddhists to 20% for Muslims
  • 65% agreed consenting adults should be free to express their sexuality as they wish
  • 58% agreed casual sex is detrimental to personal well-being
  • 30% regarded celibacy as fulfilling to sexual health
  • 58% agreed that ideally sex should only occur within marriage, but …
  • 57% thought sex could be fulfilling outside marriage, if in a loving context
  • 83% agreed monogamy should be the ideal for a partnered relationship, but …
  • 35% felt that, while ideal, monogamy in a partnered relationship is difficult to achieve
  • 58% said heterosexuality and homosexuality should be treated on equal terms, but …
  • 52% regarded heterosexuality as the ideal
  • 55% (76% of Buddhists, 22% of Sikhs) agreed their religion was positive towards sexuality
  • 56% thought their religion opposed any sexuality other than heterosexuality
  • 51% agreed their religious leaders were knowledgeable about sexuality
  • 76% agreed there is too much focus on sex in the media
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Census Snippets

Combined household and individual questionnaires for the 2011 population census have been dropping on doormats all week in preparation for the official enumeration date of Sunday, 27 March. They can be completed on paper or online.

This will be the twenty-first decennial census in Britain since 1801 (none was held in 1941, on account of the Second World War). It may also be the last in the present form, since Government is investigating cheaper and faster options for collecting data in future.

Anybody interested in learning more about the history of the census in Britain may like to view a current exhibition at The British Library’s Folio Society Gallery. Entitled Census and Society: Why Everyone Counts, it runs until 29 May.

As in 2001, when it was first introduced, this year’s census will include a voluntary question on religious affiliation. Prior to that, the only other official census of religion in mainland Britain in modern times had been of church accommodation and attendance, in 1851.

The question in England and Wales (individual question 20) in 2011 reads: ‘What is your religion?’ The options given are: no religion, Christian, Buddhist, Hindu, Jewish, Muslim, Sikh, and any other religion (write in).

Anybody wishing to specify that they are agnostic, atheist or humanist is asked to select the ‘any other religion’ category and to elaborate in the space provided.

Any Christian wishing to identify that they belong to a particular denomination is also advised to tick ‘any other religion’ and to write in their denomination.

The question in Scotland (individual question 13) reads: ‘What religion, religious denomination or body do you belong to?’ The options given are: none, Church of Scotland, Roman Catholic, other Christian (write in), Muslim, Buddhist, Sikh, Jewish, Hindu, and another religion (write in).

Nationwide advice is provided by Government to those worried that their child is too young to identify with a particular religion. This is either to select ‘no religion’ or to leave the question blank.

There has been a certain amount of controversy and advocacy surrounding the religion question, and the primary purpose of this post is to provide a selective round-up of some of the stories which have been in the news.

We have already reported – http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=678 – that the British Humanist Association (BHA) launched a campaign on 27 October last to persuade the non-religious to register as such in the census.

The BHA has been concerned that the somewhat leading wording of the census question, coupled with a lingering habit of using religion as a cultural identifier, resulted in inflating the numbers of genuinely religious people in 2001.

The BHA’s initial strategy was to try and persuade the Office for National Statistics (ONS) to rephrase the question. Rebuffed in this attempt (although ONS did agree to offer guidance after the census on the ways in which data should and should not be used), the BHA shifted tactics.

The BHA has been using local leafleting, advertising and online communications with the somewhat tongue-in-cheek campaign slogan of: ‘If you’re not religious, for God’s sake say so’.

However, the BHA has recently been told that posters bearing this or similar slogans are likely to cause widespread and serious offence, to vociferous BHA protests of censorship and, implicitly, reintroduction of the (repealed) blasphemy laws by the back door.

Companies owning advertising space at railway stations have refused to display three different BHA census posters, following this advice to BHA from the Advertising Standards Authority’s Committee of Advertising Practice (CAP).

CAP obviously had at the back of its mind the complaints generated by a previous BHA poster campaign, in 2009, which asserted: ‘There is probably no god, now stop worrying and enjoy your life’.

CAP’s recommendation has likewise affected the BHA census posters being displayed on 200 buses in London and six other cities. They have had to be reworded to read: ‘Not religious? In this year’s census, say so.’

The Pagan Federation has also issued a press notice proclaiming that ‘Pagans are standing up to be counted and coming out of the broom closet for census day’. They are being encouraged to write in their affiliation (the Federation having not prevailed on ONS to include a specific box for Pagans).

The Federation is arguing that the 42,000 individuals who registered as Pagans in 2001 were ‘only the tip of the iceberg’, citing research by Professor Ronald Hutton indicating that there were actually around 250,000 Pagans in the country in that year.

The Foundation for Holistic Spirituality, based in Glastonbury, is pursuing a different line. It is urging people to write in ‘holistic’ at the census, as ‘shorthand for an openhearted, open-minded approach that includes all spiritual paths. It recognises that everything is connected and celebrates diversity.’ This represents ‘a third way beyond traditional faiths and secularism’.

Christian coverage of the census has partly been a response to the BHA’s activities. For instance, writing in the Church Times for 4 March, Paul Vallely, Associate Editor of The Independent, defended the status quo of the census approach in the face of the ‘fundamentalism’ of the ‘new atheists’.

The census, Vallely continued, allows people to define themselves religiously as they feel comfortable with. ‘Religious belief, behaviour, and identity are not necessarily connected’, he added.

In his Daily Telegraph blog for 27 February, George Pitcher also weighed in against the BHA and in defence of people’s right to self-identify as ‘cultural Christians’ and to rejoice in living in a ‘Christian country’.

‘It isn’t religious people who want to control the way that people think’, wrote Pitcher. ‘It looks to me like some secularists are growing ever more desperate to seize that control.’

In a press statement on 4 March, Theos, the public theology think tank, criticized the BHA’s census campaign as ‘misconceived and unnecessary’, while also paying tribute to BHA for doing ‘a good job of keeping religion in the news’ overall.

Theos argued that BHA’s census campaign ‘grossly exaggerates the extent to which the religious affiliation results of the 2001 census have shaped government policy or influenced spending decisions’.

Theos pointed out that ‘no religion’ is the first option in the census question and ‘this means that people have ample opportunity to deny religious affiliation should they wish to …’

‘If the Archbishop of Canterbury were to launch a campaign pleading for people to tick the Christian box, it would be rightly ridiculed as a sign of desperation’, Theos concluded.

The Theos statement provided the backbone for a lengthy article about the census in the Methodist Recorder for 10 March. This also quoted spokespersons for the Methodist Church as ‘welcoming’ the debate on the census question for providing ‘an opportunity to discuss the nature of faith and religion in contemporary society’, especially beyond the context of conventional Sunday worship (such as through Fresh Expressions).

Otherwise, comment on the census in the Christian media has been limited, although the Church of England Newspaper for 25 February included an article headlined ‘religious question to feature in the census’. By way of introduction, it jocularly reminded the readership that ‘King David was famously punished for counting the people of Israel …’

Meanwhile, the Roman Catholic weekly The Universe for 6 March majored on the hopes of the Federation of Irish Societies that Catholic churches would actively engage with its campaign to get Irish people resident in Britain to register as ethnic Irish at the census. In 2001, 10% of first-generation and 91% of second-generation Irish failed to do so.

The Muslim Council of Britain, which was very supportive of the inclusion of a religion question in 2001, has so far not issued a press release on the 2011 census. An article in the Muslim Weekly for 25 February focused on the need for Pakistani business owners to ensure that their employees knew the postcode of their place of work in order to complete the census form.

The main preoccupation of the Sikh community has been to get ONS to agree to include Sikh as an explicit ethnic as well as religious category (and to do the same for Jews). They have not succeeded in doing so, despite the threat last year of legal action by the Sikh Channel and Sikh Federation against ONS.

The Network of Buddhist Organisations is running a ‘Tick the Box for Buddhism’ campaign in connection with the census. This has a Facebook presence and is advertising in Big Issue.

The Network would actually prefer there to be no religion question in the census, on account of its methodological imperfections. However, given its inclusion, and the influence it is likely to have on Government policy, the Network wants to see ‘more accurate figures for Buddhism’ than it feels were achieved in 2001.

The Board of Deputies of British Jews is encouraging all members of the Jewish community to identify themselves as such in the census. It has created a special census webpage and email box and issued a full set of online frequently asked questions (FAQs).

One of the more interesting is: ‘I’m not religious – should I still tick the “Jewish” box?’ The answer given is: ‘It doesn’t matter whether you are religious or not – if you consider yourself to be Jewish, you should tick the “Jewish” box. If you really don’t feel comfortable doing that, you can still specify “Jewish” for your ethnic group. There is no “Jewish” tick box, so you will need to write it on the form, but it will still be counted.’

In an article in the Jewish Chronicle for 25 February, David Graham, Director of Social and Demographic Research at the Institute for Jewish Policy Research, spelled out various policy and practical reasons why Jews should self-identify at the census.

A separate report in the same issue highlighted the efforts of leaders of Orthodox Jewry to ensure their movement participated more fully in the census, following the apparent undercount of the Charedi population in 2001.

This is attributed in part to the fact that Charedis tend to have large families, and that the standard household schedule only has space to accommodate details of six persons, necessitating them to ask for an additional form.

Another potential cause of Jewish underenumeration is flagged up in the Church of England Newspaper for 11 March: ‘there are signs that some Jews are reluctant to identify their faith on the census form in case details are leaked to anti-Semitic groups’.

One of the more surprising (and misleading) outcomes of the 2001 census was the success of the internet campaign beforehand to get people to register as Jedi Knights of Star Wars fame.

Some 390,000 individuals did so, making the Jedis the fifth largest religious body in the country (counting those with no religion as a body). There is a Facebook group to Put Jedi as your Religion in the UK 2011 Census.

The Sunday Times of 27 February reported some support to get ‘Dudeism’ recognized as a religion (named after the character The Dude, played by Jeff Bridges, from the 1998 comedy film The Big Lebowski).

There is a Facebook group called Dudeism for the 2011 Census, dedicated to the Church of the Latter-Day Dude. Another Facebook group is Heavy Metal for the 2011 Census, which has some 35,000 members, all determined to put heavy metal on Britain’s religious map.

Those of us with an objective interest in religious data will naturally hope that the integrity of the 2011 census will not be compromised unduly by too many ‘jokey’ endeavours.

To counteract the tendency, ONS has been utilizing social media, including Facebook, and YouTube, the video site, to make young people aware of the importance of filling out the census forms sensibly.

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Searchlight on Religion

A major new source of public opinion data on religion and inter-faith relations has just become available in the form of a Populus poll for Searchlight Educational Trust.

The survey is of unusual importance in terms of the number of questions asked and the large size of the sample (5,054 adults aged 18 and over interviewed online in England on 28-31 January 2011).

The Trust is a registered charity formed in 1992 that works with communities to build responses to racism and hatred, dispel myths and develop greater understanding. It has just established the Together project to explore and tackle the rise of right-wing nationalism and extremism in Britain and Western Europe.

Only a small proportion of the poll’s statistics have been included in Searchlight’s Fear & HOPE report, based on the survey, which concluded that ‘there is not a progressive majority in society and … that there is a deep resentment to immigration, as well as scepticism towards multiculturalism.’

‘There is a widespread fear of the “Other”, particularly Muslims, and there is an appetite for a new right-wing political party that has none of the fascist trappings of the British National Party or the violence of the English Defence League. With a clear correlation between economic pessimism and negative views to immigration, the situation is likely to get worse over the next few years.’

At the same time, ‘there are also many positive findings from the report. Young people are more hopeful about the future and more open to living in an ethnically diverse society. The vast majority … reject political violence and view white anti-Muslim extremists as bad as Muslim extremists and there is overwhelming support for a positive campaign against extremism.’

The document is available, in a somewhat curious format, at:

http://www.fearandhope.org.uk/project-report/

For this post BRIN has ignored the report and drawn upon, but cannot claim to have summarized adequately, the 128 computer tables extending to 395 pages. These provide topline responses, the only ones used here, together with disaggregations by gender, age, socio-economic group, region, employment sector, ethnicity, religion, and a sixfold segmentation by identity ‘tribes’. These tables can be accessed at:

http://populuslimited.com/uploads/download_pdf-310111-Searchlight-Fear-and-Hope-survey.pdf

Two clusters of questions are briefly considered here, those which sought to enumerate the nation’s general verdict on and participation in religion, and those which assessed attitudes to and engagement with people from the various faith traditions in Britain.

RELIGION IN GENERAL

35% of adults professed no religious affiliation, while 54% were Christians and 7% non-Christians (table 7).

23% said that religion was important to them, with 55% disagreeing and 22% neutral (table 76).

Just 7% said religion was the most important element in their personal identity. This compared with 35% for nationality, 24% for country of birth, 16% for the city, town or village in which they lived, 7% for ethnicity, 6% for their immediate neighbourhood, and 5% for the country of residence, where different from that of birth (table 32). Religion was the second most important influence on identity for 8% (table 33) and the third most important for 10% (table 34).

55% never attended a place of worship in their local community. 8% claimed to go at least once a week, 5% at least once a fortnight, 6% at least once a month, and 26% less than once a month (table 63).

Only 23% thought that, by and large, religion is a force for good in the UK. 42% disagreed and 35% expressed no opinion (table 77).

68% agreed that religion should not influence laws and policies in Britain, with 16% disagreeing and 16% neutral (table 75).

On a scale of 1 (= do not trust at all) to 5 (= trust fully), the mean respect score for local religious leaders was 2.95. This was lower than for the respondent’s general practitioner (3.98), the local headteacher (3.44), women’s institute (3.43), the local scout/girl guide leader (3.41), the local branch of service organizations (3.31), and leaders of local clubs (3.15).

But it was higher than for the local chamber of commerce (2.81), a local trade union (2.72), the local mayor (2.62), the local MP (2.58), local councillors (2.57), and the local council (2.54). See tables 38-51.

INTER-FAITH RELATIONS

62% considered religious abuse to be as serious as racial abuse, but 38% viewed the latter as more serious (table 115).

28% thought religious abuse to be more widespread in Britain than racial abuse. 72% said the reverse (table 116).

71% assessed religious abuse to be on the increase in Britain, 29% disagreeing (table 117). 64% said that racial abuse was growing (table 118).

60% believed that people should be able to say what they wanted about religion, however critical or offensive it might be. 40% thought there should be restrictions on what individuals could say about religion, and that they should be prosecuted if necessary (table 119). Significantly more, 58%, were in favour of limitations on freedom of speech when it came to race (table 120).

44% regarded Muslims as completely different to themselves in terms of habits, customs and values. Just 5% said the same about Christians, 19% about Jews, 28% about Hindus, and 29% about Sikhs (tables 78-83).

42% said that they interacted with Sikhs less than monthly or never, 39% with Jews, 36% with Hindus, 28% with Muslims, and 5% with Christians. There were a lot of don’t knows for this question (tables 84-89).

59% did not know any Sikhs well as friends and family members, work colleagues, children’s friends or neighbours. 55% said the same about Jews, 53% about Hindus, 41% about Muslims, and 8% about Christians (tables 90-95).

32% argued that Muslims created a lot of problems in the UK. Far fewer said this about other faith groups: 7% about Hindus, 6% about Sikhs, 5% about Christians, and 3% about Jews (tables 96-101).

49% contended that Muslims created a lot of problems in the world. Again, this was much less often said about other faith communities: 15% about Jews, 12% about Christians, 10% about Hindus, and 9% about Sikhs (tables 102-107).

25% viewed Islam as a dangerous religion which incites violence. 21% considered that violence or terrorism on the part of some Muslims is unsurprising given the actions of the West in the Muslim world and the hostility towards Muslims in Britain.

49% thought that such violence or terrorism was unsurprising on account of the activities and statements of a few Muslim extremists. 6% dismissed accusations of violence or terrorism by Muslims as something got up by the media (table 126).

On hearing reports of violent clashes between English nationalist extremists and Muslim extremists, 26% would sympathize with the former who were standing up for their country and 6% for the Muslims who were standing up for their faith. 68% would view both groups as bad as each other (table 127).

43% indicated that they would support a campaign to stop the building of a new mosque in their locality, against 19% who would oppose such a campaign, with 38% neutral (table 124).

In the event of such a campaign turning violent or threatening to do so, by the action of either of the disputing parties, 81% would condemn such violence but 19% would continue to support one side or the other (table 125).

Interviewees were asked to react to the possibility of a new political party which would defend the English, create an English Parliament, control immigration, challenge Islamic extremism, restrict the construction of mosques, and make it compulsory for all public buildings to fly the St George’s flag or Union Jack. 21% said that they would definitely support such a party and a further 27% that they would consider backing it (table 122).

Quizzed about a new organization which would campaign against religious and racial extremism, and promote better relations between different ethnic and religious groups, 20% said that they would definitely and another 48% that they might possibly support it (table 123).

Hopefully, this gallop through a veritable mountain of statistics will give BRIN readers some insight into the range of questions posed in this Populus/Searchlight survey, and some sense of the research potential of the dataset.

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Radical Islam in the Middle East

Recent events in Egypt, with pro-democracy protesters trying to dislodge President Hosni Mubarak from power, have made almost three in five Britons worry that more countries in the Middle East will fall under the influence of radical Islam.

That is the headline finding from a YouGov poll for today’s Sunday Times in which 2,283 adults aged 18 and over were interviewed online on 3 and 4 February. The full results can be viewed at:

http://today.yougov.co.uk/sites/today.yougov.co.uk/files/YG-Archives-Pol-ST-results-04-060211.pdf

17% of respondents said that they were very and 42% fairly worried about the rise of radical Islam in the Middle East. 21% were not very worried and just 7% not worried at all.

12% expressed no opinion, increasing to 17% among women and the under-40s, the groups traditionally least likely to follow this sort of news coverage.

The proportion anxious about radical Islam climbed steadily with age, from 41% among the 18-24s to 75% among the over-60s. It was a fair bit higher among Conservative voters (67%) than Labourites or Liberal Democrats. It was marginally more among men than women, manual than non-manual workers, and outside London.

This pattern of demographics tracks British attitudes to Islam and Muslims more generally, suggesting that the replies to this poll about Egyptian developments were being firmly set within a framework of domestic Islamophobia.

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Transatlantic Trends Immigration Report

Britons emerge as one of the most sceptical of western nations when it comes to immigration, according to the third annual Transatlantic Trends: Immigration report, which was published in Washington DC on 3 February.

65% of us see immigration as more of a problem than an opportunity, 70% think the government is doing a poor job at managing the issue, and 63% say that immigration policy may affect the way we vote.

Transatlantic Trends: Immigration is a project of the German Marshall Fund of the United States, the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, the Compagnia di San Paolo, and the Barrow Cadbury Trust, with additional support from the Fundacion BBVA.

The key findings and topline data for the 2010 study will be found at, respectively:

http://www.gmfus.org/trends/immigration/doc/TTI2010_English_Key.pdf

http://www.gmfus.org/trends/immigration/doc/TTI2010_English_Top.pdf

Fieldwork was conducted in Great Britain (by ICM between 27 August and 9 September 2010) and in France, Germany, Italy, The Netherlands, Spain, the United States and Canada. 1,003 Britons aged 18 and over were interviewed by telephone.

The principal interest of the 2010 survey to BRIN users lies in two questions on attitudes to the integration of Muslim immigrants. These were only posed to a half-sample (n = 496 in Britain).

A slight majority (53%) of Britons considered that Muslim immigrants were integrating poorly into British society, 16% more than believed them to be integrating well. 10% could not say one way or the other.

The other half-sample was asked about the integration of immigrants in general. 52% of Britons said that they were integrating badly and 43% well, perhaps suggesting that Muslims were likewise to the front of mind in their replies.

Those holding that Muslim immigrants were poorly integrated were more numerous in Britain than in the United States (40%), Canada (44%), Italy (49%) and France (51%) but less than in The Netherlands (56%), Germany (67%) and Spain (70%).

Views were more favourable about the integration of the children of Muslim immigrants who had been born in Britain. 59% of Britons thought they had integrated well, 30% badly, with 11% uncertain.

Canada (66%) was most positive about the integration of the Muslim second generation, followed by the United States (62%) and Italy (60%). The other four European countries had lower figures than Britain, with 57% of Germans actually stating that the children of Muslim immigrants had integrated poorly.

A more extensive, but different, set of questions about Muslim immigrants was asked in the first Transatlantic Trends: Immigration survey in 2008, the topline data for which are available at:

http://www.gmfus.org/trends/immigration/doc/TTI_2008_Topline.pdf

The 2010 study also enquired into self-assessed religiosity. This question was put to the full sample. In reply, 10% of Britons described themselves as very religious, 42% as somewhat religious and 47% as not religious at all.

The proportion claiming not to be religious was higher in Britain than in any of the other countries surveyed. In descending order, the statistics were: The Netherlands (46%), France (43%), Germany (40%), Spain (35%), Canada (34%), and the United States and Italy (16% each).

This echoes the finding of a recent Gallup Poll which placed the United Kingdom 109th in a list of 114 countries in the importance attached by its citizens to religion in their daily lives. See further:

http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=520

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