Occupy London, Act II – Enter the Archbishop

Occupy London’s anti-capitalist campsite outside St Paul’s Cathedral has now been there for three weeks and seems dug in for the long haul. The Dean and Chapter and the wider leadership of the Church of England have been increasingly challenged by its presence, not simply in terms of how to respond to it as a physical ‘neighbour’ but what line to take about the morality of capitalism and the world of high finance.

The Archbishop of Canterbury, Rowan Williams, finally entered the fray early last week in a statement on the resignation of the Dean of St Paul’s, an article in the Financial Times, and an interview with BBC News. In these utterances he stressed the importance of addressing the urgent issues raised by the protesters, put forward some solutions of his own for doing so (notably the Tobin Tax), and conceded that the Church had failed ‘to square the circle of public interest and public protest’ in dealing with Occupy London.

How has the public reacted to the Archbishop’s belated intervention? In an attempt to answer this question, YouGov covered the Occupy London movement in its poll for today’s issue of The Sunday Times. A representative sample of 1,561 British adults aged 18 and over was interviewed online on 3 and 4 November 2011, and the results have been posted at:

http://cdn.yougov.com/cumulus_uploads/document/2011-11-04/YG-Archives-Pol-Sun-results-041111.pdf

Asked to rate how Williams had dealt with the Occupy London campsite and subsequent events at the Cathedral, 41% said that he had handled the matter badly, 26% well, with 33% expressing no opinion (rising to 57% of the 18-24s). The groups most critical of the Archbishop were Conservative voters (54%), men (48%), and the over-60s (53%).

It is hard to interpret these findings, since the question was rather unspecific, gave no context about Williams’s views or actions, and thus will have been answered from diverse perspectives. In particular, was he being criticized by interviewees for the fact that he had intervened at all or because he had sat on the fence for so long before declaring his hand or a combination of both reasons?

Some clues may be implicit in replies to the next question about whether, regardless of this instance, senior clergy should comment on political matters. 45% said that it was wrong for them to do so, including 56% of Conservatives and 52% of over-60s. 38% accepted that the Church had a contribution to make to political debates, increasing to 45% among Labourites and Liberal Democrats and 44% of Londoners and Scots. 16% did not know what to think.

44% wanted the Cathedral and the Corporation of London to take legal action to remove the campsite from outside St Paul’s, 3% less than the figure in YouGov’s poll of 27-28 October, since when the threat of legal action has (in fact) been temporarily lifted. Conservatives (67%), men (51%), and the over-60s (53%) especially favoured invoking the law. 38% opposed legal action, with 18% undecided.

Support for Occupy London’s protest outside St Paul’s was only 20%, well down on the 39% who had endorsed the aims of the protesters in a somewhat different question the week before. 26% had then opposed the movement, whereas in the current poll 46% were hostile to it, particularly Conservatives (75%) and the over-60s (60%). But one-third expressed no views.

It is probably the case that the public is tiring of such physical occupations, on account of their disruptive effects on everyday life and what Williams has described as the dramatic ‘cataract of unintended consequences’ at St Paul’s, but the public perhaps does often continue to share the frustrations about the morality of the financial system which gave rise to the occupations.

It is noteworthy that, in an ICM telephone poll for The Guardian on 21-23 October (after Occupy London commenced its sit-in around St Paul’s on 15 October), 51% of 1,003 adults agreed that the worldwide protests were ‘right to want to call time on a system that puts profit before people’, whereas 38% believed there is no practical alternative to capitalism.

The flames of discord in the affair seem likely to be fanned tomorrow (7 November) by the publication of a report from the St Paul’s Institute on the moral standards of the City of London. This is based upon a ComRes survey of 500 workers in the City’s financial institutions conducted during the summer.

The report, previewed in today’s The Independent on Sunday, was originally due to appear on 27 October but was deferred when Dr Giles Fraser, Director of the Institute, resigned from his post of Canon Chancellor at St Paul’s Cathedral, the first of three ‘victims’ of the controversy at the Cathedral to date.

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Legalization of Gay Marriage

The Conservative Party risks losing Christian votes if it goes ahead with legalizing gay marriage, as advocated by David Cameron at the Party’s recent conference in Manchester, a ComRes survey published on 4 November 2011 has revealed.

The poll was undertaken on behalf of Premier Christian Media Trust among the ComRes CPanel of UK churchgoing Christians aged 18 and over. 544 were interviewed online between 25 and 31 October 2011. Results are available (albeit with inadequate labelling of data tables for Question 2) at:

http://www.comres.co.uk/polls/Premier_Gay_Marriage_data_tables_Nov11.pdf

Asked how they viewed the Conservative proposal to legalize same-sex marriages, only 11% of Christians supported it, while 83% were opposed (three-quarters of them strongly).

Hostility was particularly concentrated among the over-65s (90%), compared with 26% support in the 18-34 cohort. Denominationally, Independents, Pentecostals and Roman Catholics were most critical.

Overwhelmingly, these churchgoers foresaw negative consequences in the event of the law being changed in respect of gay marriage:

  • 85% were concerned that the value of marriage would be further undermined
  • 78% that it would be harder to argue against ‘other novel types of relationship’ such as polygamy
  • 88% that schools would be required to teach the equal validity of same-sex and heterosexual relationships
  • 93% that clergy would have to conduct gay marriages against their consciences

Absolutely nobody claimed that Cameron’s commitment to legalizing same-sex marriages would make them more likely to vote Conservative. 37% said that it would make no difference to their political behaviour.

But 57% were clear that they would be less disposed to back the Tories in future, this being especially true of Pentecostals (69%) and Roman Catholics (75%).

This CPanel study does not appear to have covered a related and similarly topical issue, the Government’s plan to permit civil partnerships in England and Wales to be celebrated in religious buildings. General public opinion on this matter was summarized in our previous BRIN post at:

http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=889

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Occupy London and St Paul’s Cathedral

The photograph of St Paul’s Cathedral standing proud amid the chaos of the London Blitz was one of the most striking and iconic images of the Second World War, at once tangible evidence of a seeming miracle and a beacon of Britain’s endurance in adversity and of hope for eventual victory against the Axis Powers.

But the Cathedral has certainly been laid low during recent days by divisions among the Dean and Chapter over the Occupy London anti-capitalist campsite surrounding it, and by a flurry of criticism (some from within the Church of England) over the decision to shut the Cathedral completely for a week (on health and safety grounds) – something even the Luftwaffe failed to manage.

Now, thanks to a YouGov poll for today’s issue of The Sunday Times, we have the first real test of public opinion on the subject. A representative sample of 1,676 Britons aged 18 and over was interviewed online on 27 and 28 October 2011, and the results (with breaks by demographics) have been published in full at: 

http://today.yougov.co.uk/sites/today.yougov.co.uk/files/sunday_times_results_111028_vi_and_trackers_website.pdf

Respondents were somewhat split in their attitudes to the aims of the protesters, with 39% in support, 26% opposed, and 35% undecided. Not unexpectedly, the most significant variation was by current voting intention, 54% of Labourites backing the goals of the protesters, against 18% of Conservatives (with Liberal Democrats on 49%).

However, a simple majority (53%) of the sample was clear that the Cathedral authorities had been wrong to shut the building, rising to 60% among men and 64% of the over-60s. 31% backed the decision of the Chapter to close the Cathedral, including 40% of Conservatives. 16% said that they did not know what to think.

Somewhat fewer (47%) wanted the Cathedral and the Corporation of London to initiate legal proceedings to remove the protesters from outside the Cathedral. Conservatives (73%) were most in favour of this course of action, twice the proportion in the other two main political parties. 39% were against legal steps, with 13% undecided.

The decision of Dr Giles Fraser, the left-leaning Canon Chancellor of the Cathedral, to resign from his position last Thursday in opposition to the threat of legal action against the protesters, was welcomed by 31% of respondents (including 43% of the over-60s). This group perhaps contained some who applauded Fraser’s principled stand but doubtless also those who were glad to see the back of a ‘turbulent priest’. 42% considered that he had been wrong to resign, and 27% expressed no opinion.

The YouGov poll additionally covered the changes to the laws of royal succession agreed at the recent Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in Australia. Unfortunately, the question posed about Roman Catholics did not reflect the specific amendment agreed, which was limited to those in the line of succession being able to marry a Catholic. No alteration is being mooted to the bar on a reigning monarch being a Catholic himself or herself, which is deemed incompatible with the constitutional role of the monarch as Supreme Governor of the Church of England.

Nevertheless, the question is not without value as a litmus-test of residual anti-Catholicism. Respondents were asked whether they thought the law should be changed to permit a Catholic to succeed to the throne. 48% agreed with the suggestion, 33% disagreed, and 19% had no view.

Agreement was greatest among Liberal Democrat voters (64%), whose official party policy is to separate Church and State, and among Scots (65%). Opponents of the proposition were most numerous among Conservative voters (45%) and the over-60s (42%).

The evolution of public opinion on this topic, and on the establishment of the Church of England more generally, can be traced in an academic journal article published last week: Clive Field, ‘“A Quaint and Dangerous Anachronism”? Who Supports the (Dis)Establishment of the Church of England?’, Implicit Religion, Vol. 14, No. 3, September 2011, pp. 319-41.

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Chaplaincy to the Armed Forces

The Ministry of Defence (MoD) is spending £22 million annually on employing 280 Christian chaplains across the three armed services, according to the MoD’s reply to a request under the Freedom of Information (FOI) Act made by the National Secular Society (NSS) and summarized in a press release issued by the NSS today. See:

http://www.secularism.org.uk/mod-spends-gbp22-million-a-year.html

In the light of this finding, the NSS has written to defence minister Andrew Robathan to question the expenditure, asking that either the Churches fund the chaplains themselves or the MoD converts their role into a secular ‘pastoral care’ service, for which anybody can apply. A MoD spokesman has said that chaplaincy spend is ‘currently being assessed’.

The FOI request also revealed that, as a rule, only 30% of chaplains are preparing for, on, or recovering from military operations at any one time. In the case of army chaplains, just 20 of 150 are currently on active service, while 18% are on medically limited deployability and a further 7% classed as medically non-deployable.

Christian chaplains employed by the MoD are commissioned officers, with a starting salary of £37,172, rising to £55,857 after 15 years. The armed forces also retain five civilian chaplains to care for Buddhist, Hindu, Sikh, Jewish and Muslim service personnel.

For the religious affiliation of the armed forces, see our recent post at:

http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=1428

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Catholicity of Catholic Schools

When are Catholic schools no longer Catholic? This is the question posed by Sam Adams, news reporter for the Catholic weekly The Tablet, following publication on 23 September 2011 of the Catholic Education Service for England and Wales (CESEW)’s Digest of 2010 Census Data for Schools and Colleges. The digest is available online at:

http://www.cesew.org.uk/temp/CESEWspCensusspDigestsp2010spelectronicspcopy.pdf

In statements from Dr Oona Stannard, its Chief Executive and Director, the CESEW has been at pains to emphasize the popularity and diversity of the 2,289 Catholic schools and colleges in England and Wales (10% of the national total), as revealed in the 2010 digest.

For example, the number of students educated in Catholic schools rose from 781,400 in 2009 to 784,800 in 2010, while these schools attracted around 4% more students from ethnic minority backgrounds than did maintained schools as a whole.

However, it seems to be statistics about the Catholicity of Catholic schools which are grabbing the media spotlight and triggering debate within the Catholic community.

Overall, 71% of pupils in maintained Catholic schools in England and Wales in 2010 were Catholic, defined as having been ‘baptised or received into the Catholic Church’.

The figure for Catholic sixth form colleges was only 50% and for Catholic independent schools 41%. The diocesan low was in Plymouth, where 46% of primary and 43% of secondary pupils were Catholics.

Nationally, 19% of maintained Catholic schools had more than one-half non-Catholic pupils in 2010 compared with 14% in 2009. A sign of the times was that, in respect of school uniform policy, 61% of schools made allowances for pupils of other faiths (against just 24% in 2009).

The proportion of teachers in maintained Catholic schools and colleges identifying themselves as Catholics was 56% (against 58% in 2007), falling to 45% in secondary schools, with 43% in Catholic independent schools.

In diocesan terms, the highest number of Catholic teachers was in Liverpool (67%) and the lowest in East Anglia (36%). 18% of teachers in maintained Catholic schools held the Catholic Certificate in Religious Studies. 52% of education support staff in maintained Catholic schools were Catholic (37% in secondary schools alone).

Adams covered the digest in his report on page 35 of The Tablet for 1 October under the headline ‘Non-Catholic pupils continue to swell rolls of church schools’. He posed his question about when Catholic schools cease to be Catholic in The Tablet’s blog for 30 September, which can be found at:

http://www.thetablet.co.uk/blogsub.php?id=187&ti=17

The conclusion Adams reached was: ‘I would argue that it is possible to retain the Catholic ethos of a school even if a significant proportion of pupils are not Catholic, but that there is a limit, or demographic tipping point, when it is simply farcical for that school to continue as “Catholic”’.

‘Oona Stannard of the CES believes the data shows the popularity of Catholic education. Fair enough, but to maintain a truly Catholic culture there needs to be a core community of Catholic pupils and teachers. And if that’s not possible, the school’s leadership and the diocese should face facts and let the school go.’

The longest comment on the blog to date was posted by Tony Spencer of the Pastoral Research Centre on 4 October. He makes the point that the proportion of non-Catholic pupils and non-Catholic teachers at Catholic schools is not a new phenomenon.

According to him, their numbers have been rising for over half a century but the trend has been disguised by ‘spurious’ calculations within the CESEW’s unpublished reports for 1992-2006, which have inflated the computed number of Catholic students at Catholic schools.

Another observation from Spencer, from his reconstruction of the 2009 census of Catholic schools and correlation with the Church’s baptismal data, is that there are now almost enough places for 5-16s in Catholic schools to accommodate all the Catholic pupils in that age group, but that about a third of Catholic parents prefer to send their children to non-Catholic schools, despite the fact that Catholic schools appear to be highly regarded.

Spencer has written at length elsewhere on these and other aspects of Catholic educational policy as reflected in the empirical evidence. See our earlier post at:

http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=1365

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Sectarianism in Scotland

The recent resurgence of sectarianism in Scottish football is overwhelmingly condemned by Scots, according to a poll commissioned by the Scottish Government, and published on 4 September to coincide with the commencement of Scottish parliamentary scrutiny of the Offensive Behaviour at Football and Threatening Communications (Scotland) Bill.

Fieldwork for the study was undertaken by TNS-BMRB between 27 July and 3 August 2011, by means of face-to-face interviews in the home with 1,028 Scots aged 16 and over. Data tables can be found at: 

http://www.tns-bmrb.co.uk/assets-uploaded/documents/sectarianism-poll-aug-11_1315215048.pdf

Roughly nine in ten Scots agreed with the four propositions in the survey: 89% that sectarianism is offensive; 89% that it is unacceptable in Scottish football; 91% that stronger action needs to be taken to tackle sectarianism and offensive behaviour associated with football in Scotland; and 85% that sectarianism is a criminal offence. Disagreement on each measure ranged from 3% to 5%, with the balance neutral.

Variations by demographic sub-groups were relatively limited, but there was a definite tendency for endorsement of the propositions to be lowest among those aged 16-24 years. In particular, only 75% of this cohort regarded sectarianism as a criminal offence and 78% as unacceptable in Scottish football. Likewise, agreement with the statements was below par among the DE social group (semi- and unskilled manual workers).

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Collective Worship in Schools

New research for the BBC indicates that the law requiring a daily act of collective worship in state-maintained schools in England appears to be widely ignored and to command relatively limited public support. The obligation was originally laid down by the Education Act 1944 and has been carried forward, with some amendment, into subsequent legislation.

The survey, published on 6 September, was conducted by ComRes by telephone among a sample of 1,743 adults aged 18 and over in England between 15 and 24 July 2011. They included 500 parents of children of school age living in the household. The study was commissioned to coincide with a series of faith-based programmes on BBC local radio. Full results can be found at:

http://www.comres.co.uk/polls/BBC_Religion_Worship_in_schools_results_(plus_regions)_July11.pdf

Parents with school-age children were asked whether, to the best of their knowledge, their children attended a daily act of collective worship at school. Only 28% said that they did, with 64% replying in the negative, and 1% reporting that they had withdrawn their children from such worship (as they are legally entitled to do). 8% were unsure of the situation. There was some variation in the replies by demographic groups, although small cell sizes necessitate that the disaggregated data should be treated with caution.

The mean was somewhat brought down by the inclusion of parents with children aged under 5. 37% of parents of children aged 5-10 reported that their children attended a daily act of collective worship at school, compared with 33% of those aged 11-15 and 30% of those aged 16-18. It has long been known that secondary schools have struggled to comply with the law, but these statistics imply that primary schools are also failing, at least in the understanding of parents.

The full sample, comprising parents and non-parents, was asked whether the requirement for a daily collective act of worship in state schools should be enforced. Three-fifths said that it should not be, rising to two-thirds among parents of school-age children. Proponents of enforcement numbered 36% overall, being greatest among the over-55s and the bottom (DE) social group. 4% expressed no views.     

These findings are likely to fuel the growing campaign among secularists, teachers and even some faith leaders to persuade the Government to repeal the legislation. The National Secular Society has been especially strident, condemning compulsory collective worship as a breach of human rights.

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9/11 – Ten Years On

Today is the tenth anniversary of 9/11, the terror attacks on the United States, usually credited to al-Qaeda, in which almost 3,000 people perished. The legacy of that day continues to be felt in numerous ways, including – in Britain – in persisting negative attitudes to Islam and Muslims.

This is borne out in a special ‘9/11 – ten years on’ survey undertaken by YouGov on 6 and 7 September 2011 among an online sample of 1,947 adult Britons aged 18 and over. The full data tabulations are available at:

http://today.yougov.co.uk/sites/today.yougov.co.uk/files/yg-archives-yougov-911tenyearson-090911.pdf

Asked about their perceptions of the relationship of British Muslims with terrorism, 15% of respondents claimed that a large proportion of British Muslims felt no sense of loyalty to this country and were prepared to condone or even carry out terrorist acts. This was only three points down on the figure for 22-24 August 2006, one year after 7/7, the terrorist attacks on London’s transport network.

The number was higher among Conservative voters (18%) than Liberal Democrats (7%), men (16%) than women (13%), the over-40s (16%) than the under-25s (11%), manual workers (18%) than non-manuals (12%), with a regional peak of 18% in the Midlands and Wales.

A further 63% acknowledged that, while the great majority of British Muslims were peaceful and law-abiding, there was a dangerous minority who exhibited disloyalty and sympathy for terrorism. Just 17% stated that practically all British Muslims were peaceful and law-abiding who deplored acts of terrorism. 5% expressed no opinion.

Given these perceptions, it is unsurprising that 63% of adults (a mere 2% less than in 2006) wished to see Britain’s security services focus their intelligence-gathering and terrorism-prevention efforts on Muslims living in or seeking to enter this country, on the grounds that, although most Muslims were not terrorists most terrorists threatening Britain were Muslim. This view was held by three-quarters of the over-60s and Conservative voters.

Moreover, a slight majority (51%, compared with 53% in 2006) considered that Islam itself – as distinct from Islamic fundamentalist groups – posed a major or some threat to Western liberal democracy, rising to 65% of Conservatives and 60% of the over-60s. Only 13% thought that Islam posed no threat at all.

It is a measure of Britons’ continuing fears of ‘Islamic terrorism’ that, despite the current Coalition Government’s military assistance to the Libyan rebels who have all but toppled the oppressive regime of Colonel Gadaffi, 49% still justify the policy of the previous Labour administration of exchanging security information on Islamic extremism and al-Qaeda with Gadaffi. Fewer than one-quarter are critical of the policy.

This last finding emerges from a separate YouGov survey for today’s Sunday Times, in which 2,724 British adults were interviewed online on 8 and 9 September 2011. Detailed results have been posted at:   

http://today.yougov.co.uk/sites/today.yougov.co.uk/files/yg-archives-pol-st-results-09-110911.pdf

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English Baccalaureate and Faith Schools

A Government press release on 31 August trumpeted that its controversial introduction of the English Baccalaureate (or eBacc) has had an immediate impact on reversing the historic decline in pupils taking ‘traditional’ or more ‘academic’ GCSE subjects. And nowhere does this appear more so than in faith schools.

The eBacc was introduced as a performance measure in the 2010 school league tables. It measures where pupils have secured a C grade or better in GCSEs or accredited international GCSEs across a core of subjects: English, mathematics, two sciences, history or geography, and a language.

To check on the eBacc’s effect, the Department for Education commissioned the National Centre for Social Research (NatCen) to undertake a survey of English maintained secondary schools between 23 June and 21 July 2011. A representative sample of 1,500 schools was approached to take part, of which 692 did so (578 by telephone and 114 online), a response rate of 46%.

Overall, the study found that a greater proportion of Year 9 pupils, who in most cases would have very recently made their GCSE selection, were taking GCSE subjects that could lead them to achieving the eBacc than was the case with Year 10 pupils – 47% and 33% respectively.

However, for pupils attending faith schools the figure was 55% for year 9 pupils, 8% above the mean and 10% more than in non-religious schools. At year 10 41% of pupils in faith schools were taking eBacc subjects compared with 31% in schools that did not have a religious character. This appears to confirm the relatively more ‘traditional’ approach to the curriculum of the faith-based school sector.

Just under half of schools (45%) indicated that subjects and courses had been withdrawn from the curriculum or failed to recruit enough students for the 2011/12 academic year. Most of the courses withdrawn were BTEC (Business and Technology Education Council) courses, many of which are regarded as ‘soft’ subjects by some politicians and educationalists.

No mention is made of religious studies (RS) as a withdrawn subject in the short report on the results of the survey, prepared by Sam Clemens of NatCen, but many faith leaders fear that the eBacc will fairly quickly curtail the growing popularity of RS as a GCSE, since RS has not been designated by Government as part of the eBacc core.

The report is available to download at:

https://www.education.gov.uk/publications/eOrderingDownload/DFE-RB150.pdf

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Restrictions on Religion

The UK’s reputation as a land of religious liberty and toleration seems set to take a bit of a knock following the publication on 9 August 2011 of Rising Restrictions on Religion by the Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion and Public Life. The work was commissioned as part of the Pew-Templeton Global Religious Futures Project, with Brian Grim as the principal researcher.

The report, the second in a series, is the outcome of desk-based research from 18 published primary sources. It seeks to measure, on a points-based system, the incidence of restrictions on religious beliefs and practices in 198 countries between mid-2006 and mid-2009. Data are recorded for a Government Restrictions Index (GRI) and a Social Hostilities Index (SHI). Inevitably, the scoring cannot eliminate a degree of subjectivity.

On the GRI the UK’s overall score rose from 2.2 for the two-year period ending mid-2008 to 2.8 in mid-2009. This was assessed as a moderate score on the fourfold categorization used by Pew (very high embracing the top 5% of country scores, high the next 15%, moderate the next 20%, and low the bottom 60%). Of the specific measures comprising the GRI, 7 had increased in the UK between the two reference dates, 14 were unchanged, and 7 had decreased.

On the SHI the UK’s overall score moved from 2.5 for the period ending mid-2008 to 3.6 in mid-2009. This was assessed as a high score. Seven UK measures rose between the two dates, 11 were unchanged, and 1 had fallen. The UK was one of five European nations (the others being Bulgaria, Denmark, Russia, and Sweden) which experienced a substantial rise in the SHI. In the UK’s case, this is largely attributed by Pew to mounting Islamophobia and anti-Semitism (the latter in response to Israel’s military intervention in Gaza early in 2009).

Overall, combining the GRI and SHI, Pew discovered that restrictions on religion had grown in 23 of the world’s 198 countries (12%), decreased in 12 (6%), and remained essentially unchanged in 163 (82%). Among the 25 most populous nations – which account for three-quarters of the global population – restrictions on religion substantially increased in eight, including the UK. In China, Nigeria, Russia, Thailand, Vietnam and the UK the increases were primarily due to movements in the SHI, whereas in Egypt and France they were the consequence of the GRI.

The main report and the detailed country report on this research are available to download at:

http://pewforum.org/Government/Rising-Restrictions-on-Religion.aspx

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