Religious Discrimination in Britain

A synthesis of the quantitative and qualitative evidence base for actual or perceived religious discrimination in Britain during the past decade was published by the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) on 20 June as Research Report, 73.

Emanating from a desk-based study undertaken by Paul Weller and his colleagues at the University of Derby, Religious Discrimination in Britain: A Review of Research Evidence, 2000-10 is available to download from:

http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/uploaded_files/research/research_report_73_religious_discrimination.pdf

The statistics, which occupy a relatively and disappointingly small proportion of the document, mostly derive from sources which have already been covered by BRIN, so repetition of Weller’s summary and tabulation of them is perhaps unnecessary here.

Indeed, in the quantitative aspect, another recent EHRC publication, David Perfect’s Religion or Belief, is actually superior to Weller’s work, which is essentially an annotated literature review. See, especially, Tables 13-19 in Perfect’s paper, which we have already featured at:

http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=894

Weller’s public opinion sources include: Eurobarometers for 2006-09 (pp. 27-30) and Citizenship Surveys for 2003-10 (pp. 30-1, 43). Other data comprise Employment Tribunal cases for 2003-10 (p. 31) and anti-Semitic incidents for 2000-10 (pp. 34-5). Non-recurrent statistics are generally unused by Weller.

One of Weller’s overarching conclusions (pp. vii, 36) is that: ‘At present there is insufficient quantitative and time series data to indicate conclusively whether “religious discrimination” in Britain is increasing or decreasing, taken as a whole.’

There is a useful analysis by Weller of gaps in existing research and statistical evidence (pp. ix-x, 52-8). This highlights especially the issue of visibility and invisibility in religious discrimination. A central recommendation is the implementation of a panel survey focusing on religious discrimination and equity.   

The report has already been surrounded in controversy, commencing with an interview given by Trevor Phillips, chair of the EHRC Commissioners, in the Sunday Telegraph of 19 June. This has been denounced as a ‘thoughtless intervention’ by the National Secular Society (NSS), which was likewise critical of Weller and his methods. The NSS assessed that the report ‘struggles hard to find evidence for any large-scale discrimination on religious grounds’.

Weller is also principal investigator for a three-year (2010-12) research project on ‘Religion and Belief, Discrimination and Equality in England and Wales: Theory, Policy and Practice, 2000-2010’. Described in detail on pp. 60-2 of his report, this is being funded by the Religion and Society Programme of the Arts and Humanities and Economic and Social Research Councils.

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Membership of Groups

6% of adult Britons claim to belong to a ‘church group or bible study’, according to a YouGov poll released today, and conducted online among a sample of 2,451 adult Britons on 16 and 17 June 2011 on behalf of The Sunday Times. The full results are available at:

http://today.yougov.co.uk/sites/today.yougov.co.uk/files/yg-archives-pol-st-results-17-190611.pdf

Respondents were asked whether they were members of twenty groups or organizations, including the three main political parties. 51% said they belonged to none of them. Trade unions and gyms topped the list (at 12% each), followed by the National Trust (10%), with church groups in fourth position, just ahead of football clubs (5%).

Membership of church groups never reached double figures among any demographic sub-group. The highest (9%) was in Scotland, with public sector employees and current Liberal Democrat voters on 8%, and the 18-24s, over-60s and non-manual workers on 7% each. The smallest numbers were found among the 25-39s (3%), manual workers (4%) and private sector workers (4%).

The meaning of membership was not defined in the question, and ‘church group or bible study’ implies a Christian basis. Also, this type of enquiry tends to encourage exaggeration, with people replying aspirationally. For example, 10% of adults claiming membership of the National Trust points to the organization having 4.7 million members, whereas the reality (in the last National Trust annual report) is exactly a million less.

At the same time, claimed membership of church groups in this poll is lower than Peter Brierley’s estimates of church membership for 2010, 11% of the population aged 15 and over in the UK (9% in England and Wales and 18% in Scotland). However, his statistics incorporate mass attendance for Roman Catholics who have no concept of membership.

Brierley’s data have yet to be published in full. They will appear in his forthcoming book Church Statistics, which we will cover on BRIN when it is published. Meanwhile, there are previews of his figures in his articles in FutureFirst, No. 15, June 2011, pp. 1, 4 and Church of England Newspaper, 10 June 2011, p. 17.

The YouGov poll is naturally relevant within the context of the long-standing counter-assertion to the secularization thesis, that the undisputed decline in church membership and attendance simply mirrors a more general retreat from association and a privatization of society as a whole.

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Catholic Schools in Wales

There are 93 Roman Catholic schools in Wales, educating 30,350 pupils (6% of the Welsh total). 63% of these pupils are Roman Catholics (66% in primary and 60% in secondary schools) and 18% come from ethnic backgrounds other than white British (compared with 8% in all Welsh schools). In other respects the profiles of Catholic and all schools in Wales are fairly similar.

These are some of the headline figures from the introduction and appendices of a new report released by the Catholic Education Service for England and Wales (CESEW) on 6 June, and drawing upon its 2010 school census data: Peter Irvine, The Distinctive Contribution of Catholic Schools in Wales, available to download from:

http://www.cesew.org.uk/temp/Welshspdocspforspwebsite.pdf

The bulk of the document (pp. 8-41) comprises a quantitative analysis of, and commentary upon, the performance of Welsh Catholic schools as measured during the 2004-10 school inspection cycle operated by Estyn, the office of Her Majesty’s Inspectorate for Education and Training in Wales.

These inspections suggested that the 73 Welsh Catholic primary schools generally performed well, with higher proportions than the national average rated good or better on three of the seven key questions and almost identical proportions for the other four. The performance of Catholic secondary schools, of which there are only 15, was more mixed.

A comparable report for England, Value Added: the Distinctive Contribution of Catholic Schools and Colleges in England, was published by the CESEW last January, based on Ofsted inspections in 2005-09 and test and examination results for Key Stages 1-5 in 2007-09. See our coverage at:

http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=824

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Falling Interest in Catholicism Online

Interest in Roman Catholicism appears to be falling worldwide according to a new analysis of Google searches published on 3 June on the Nineteen Sixty-Four research blog of the Center for Applied Research in the Apostolate (CARA) at Georgetown University in the United States (US). This can be accessed at:

http://nineteensixty-four.blogspot.com/

The post – entitled ‘Is Interest in Catholicism Falling Online?’ – charts weekly Google search volumes for queries including the term Catholic (or the equivalent in other languages) between January 2004 and April 2011 for the United Kingdom (UK), US, France, Germany, Brazil, Australia and a global (five-language) measure.

All the charts, including the UK’s, reveal a marked downward trend in searching for Catholic content over this period, although the UK data display more random weekly volatility than in the US where there is a clear pattern of peaks around Ash Wednesday and Christmas and lows in the summer.

For the UK, as for all the other countries, the high point of Google searches was around the death of Pope John Paul II in April 2005. There was a much less pronounced UK peak for the visit of Pope Benedict XVI to Scotland and England in September 2010.

CARA expresses concern about the trend but offers no explanation for this decline in accessing Catholic-related content on the internet. Indeed, it ‘remains a mystery’. Part of the problem, of course, is that we have no idea from Google whether the decrease affects searches by Catholics, non-Catholics or both.

But it is hard to avoid the suspicion that the scandals surrounding the sexual abuse of children by some Roman Catholic priests must be a factor in lessening people’s desire to learn about Catholicism.

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Anglicans Trialing Web-Based Data Capture

The June 2011 issue of In Review, the newssheet of the National Church Institutions of the Church of England, reports that six dioceses (Bradford, Lichfield, Manchester, Newcastle, Southwell and Nottingham, and Worcester) have been trialing an online data collection system for the hitherto paper-based annual parochial returns.

Revd Lynda Barley, Head of Research and Statistics for the Archbishops’ Council, is quoted as saying that the pilots have been going well, with overwhelmingly positive and constructive feedback. Statistics are available instantly for analysis, and comparisons possible with previous years. There are in-built checks to verify the data.

Formal evaluation of the venture is now taking place, but Barley is confident that web-based data capture will soon be a reality for all churches. This will also greatly benefit users of Anglican statistics, who currently have to wait quite a while for them to appear. For example, it was only on 3 February this year that the 2009 statistics for mission were released, and they were still provisional.

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Methodism’s Triennial Returns

‘Statistics do not provide a complete narrative about the health of the Church. Headline figures must be treated with caution and understood as only limited measures of Church activity. The use of figures in isolation from wider contextual information can lead to unfair or inaccurate assumptions.’

So says the risk assessment at the beginning of the latest triennial report Statistics for Mission, 2008–10 which has been compiled by the research team of the Methodist Church of Great Britain, with analytical assistance from the Church of England Research and Statistics Department.

The report, which will be considered by the forthcoming Methodist Conference, meeting in Southport from 30 June to 7 July, can be downloaded from:

http://www.methodistconference.org.uk/media/44103/52.%20statistics%20for%20mission.pdf

At 42 pages, this triennial report is much fuller than many in recent years. It will be supplemented in due course by additional data on the Church’s website, which should go beyond the connexional and Methodist district totals contained in the Conference document.

It is evident that a great deal of effort has been devoted of late to enhancing Methodism’s statistical capability and the effectiveness of the annual October count. Online data-gathering is now routine, additional one-off questions are being asked of churches, the response rate has risen to 96%, and more information is being published.

At the same time, it has to be admitted that many of the key performance indicators of Methodism point to ongoing decline. Over the triennium (2007-10) the number of churches fell by 4%, membership by 10%, the community roll by 12%, baptisms and thanksgivings by 7%, marriages and blessings by 12%, average adult Sunday attendance by 7%, and average adult midweek attendance by 11%.

The good news stories included some growth in work among children and young people, notably increases in average midweek attendance by the under-13s (20%) and 13-19s (18%). However, Sunday attendance by these age groups was down by 9% and 6% respectively, so much of the apparent growth was through displacement.

1,257 Fresh Expressions were also reported in 2010, albeit 62% of them were still church-based, as well as 1,829 expressions of community chaplaincy.

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Turbulent Priest?

The nation is split down the middle about whether senior clergy should comment on political issues, according to a new survey. This follows the Archbishop of Canterbury’s guest-editorship of last week’s issue of the left-leaning New Statesman magazine, which provided Rowan Williams with a platform to critique the Coalition Government’s policies.

The topic is one of several covered in YouGov’s latest weekly poll for The Sunday Times, in which a representative sample of 2,728 adult Britons aged 18 and over was interviewed online on 9 and 10 June 2011. The relevant data appear on page 9 of the tables at:

http://today.yougov.co.uk/sites/today.yougov.co.uk/files/yg-archives-pol-st-results-10-120611.pdf

45% of respondents considered it right for senior clerics to intervene in political debates and 44% disagreed. There was a sharp split on party political lines. Whereas 69% of current Conservative voters opposed clerical intervention, 64% of Labour supporters endorsed it, with Liberal Democrats divided on 47% for each position. Age also made some difference, approval of senior clerical involvement in politics rising from 36% among the 18-24s to 49% among the over-40s.

More specifically, interviewees were asked what they thought about the Archbishop’s criticism of the Government for introducing ‘radical, long-term policies for which no one voted’ in the 2010 general election and which were instilling ‘fear’ with the public. 47% agreed with his assessment while 35% disagreed and 18% expressed no opinion.

On this question the party political gulf was even wider. 75% of current Conservative supporters disagreed with the Archbishop and 81% of Labour voters sided with him. Liberal Democrats divided 39% for and 45% against, notwithstanding that the Liberal Democrats are in coalition with the Conservatives in Government, and that the policies under criticism are (supposedly) jointly owned by them. Among those who voted Liberal Democrat in 2010 (three times as many who incline to the Liberal Democrats now) 56% agreed with Williams.

The other notable demographic was the above average support for the Archbishop’s views among residents of Northern England (56%) and Scotland (53%). This presumably manifests a perception that these parts of the nation are being particularly adversely affected by the Government policies which Williams was attacking.

For Conservatives, the Archbishop’s entry on the political stage (by no means his first – he recently voiced his discomfort about the killing by United States special forces of the unarmed Osama bin Laden) has doubtless brought back unwelcome memories of Robert Runcie’s clashes with Margaret Thatcher’s administration during the 1980s. For Labour supporters the appearance of Williams’s article in the New Statesman has provided them with an unexpected opportunity to land a punch on the Coalition Government.      

It would naturally be interesting to see how political opinion would play out were the boot to be on the other foot, an Archbishop of Canterbury criticizing the policies of a Labour Government!

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Immigrant Religiosity

First-generation immigrants to the UK are three times as likely as natives to claim to attend religious services at least weekly and to pray in private daily. They are also more religious than immigrants to most other European countries on the same two measures.

This is according to a newly-published journal article by two social scientists at Utrecht University: Frank van Tubergen and Jorunn Sindradottir, ‘The Religiosity of Immigrants in Europe: a Cross-National Study’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, Vol. 50, No. 2, June 2011, pp. 272-88. See, in particular, the table on page 281.

The data are drawn from European Social Survey, Rounds 1-4 (2002-09), in which representative samples of adults aged 15 and over were interviewed. Tubergen and Sindradottir, however, have focused on a sub-sample of 10,117 first-generation immigrants living in 27 receiving countries, of whom 731 had come to the UK.

33% of immigrants to the UK said they attended religious services at least weekly, compared with 18% of all European immigrants. Indeed, immigrants to the UK came second only to their counterparts in Poland (63%) on this indicator. For UK natives reported weekly attendance was 11% against a continental mean of 17%.

48% of immigrants to the UK prayed daily outside religious services against 30% of immigrants to European countries as a whole. The UK figure was again the highest of all nations except for Poland (62%). 17% of UK natives prayed daily, less than the continental average of 22%.

Self-assessed religiosity was measured on a scale of 0 (not at all religious) to 10 (very religious). Immigrants to the UK scored 5.83 overall, better than the European immigrant mean of 5.44, although on this occasion seven countries recorded a higher figure. UK natives scored 4.04 compared with 4.82 for natives across all Europe.

The UK sub-sample of first-generation immigrants was obviously insufficiently large to permit further disaggregation, particularly by religious affiliation. It is probable that the greater propensity of immigrants to the UK to worship and pray regularly was driven by the high proportion with Roman Catholic and Muslim backgrounds.

The dataset for European Social Survey, Rounds 1-4 is available at the Economic and Social Data Service as SN 4732.

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Telling the Story of the 2001 Religious Census

Much has been written about the results of the religion question in the 2001 census of population of Great Britain, but rather less is known about how that question came to be asked in the first place. This followed a four-year campaign (1996-2000) by a consortium of faith communities to get it included on the census schedule in the face of a Government which deemed it a low priority and baulked at the prospect of having to change primary legislation in order to be able to ask about religious affiliation.

It is, therefore, good to see a new ‘micro-history’ of the campaign from the perspective of one of its participants, Jamil Sherif, who was one of the Muslim representatives on the Religious Affiliation Sub-Group and the successor 2001 Census Religious Affiliation Group, speaking on behalf of the UK Action Committee on Islamic Affairs and, after its formation in 1997, the Muslim Council of Britain (MCB), whose Research and Documentation Committee Dr Sherif chaired.

Dr Sherif’s account and reminiscences appear in ‘A Census Chronicle: Reflections on the Campaign for a Religion Question in the 2001 Census for England and Wales’, Journal of Beliefs & Values, Vol. 32, 2011, pp. 1-18. In this article he draws upon both published and unpublished sources, including the MCB’s own archives and contemporary documents obtained from the Office of National Statistics (ONS) under the Freedom of Information Act.

Journal of Beliefs & Values is a commercial periodical, so access to its content is available only to personal and institutional subscribers or on a pay-per-view basis. However, an abstract of the article is freely accessible at:

http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/content~db=all~content=a937248078~frm=abslink

The Religious Affiliation Sub-Group and 2001 Census Religious Affiliation Group were chaired by Professor Leslie Francis, now of the University of Warwick, who has published his own recollections of the campaign in ‘Religion and Social Capital: The Flaw in the 2001 Census in England and Wales’, Public Faith? The State of Religious Belief and Practice in Britain, ed. Paul Avis, London: SPCK, 2003, pp. 45-64.

One of the main players for ONS was John Dixie, Census Coverage Survey Manager. As a civil servant, there is naturally little from him on the public record about the religion question, the main exception being his ‘The Ethnic and Religious Questions for 2001: Research and Responses’, Patterns of Prejudice, Vol. 32, 1998, pp. 5-14.

Although the 2001 census was the first to include a question on religious affiliation in mainland Britain (the question was asked in Ireland from 1861), it was not the first occasion an attempt had been made to pose it. Indeed, in connection with every census bill from 1860 to the eve of the First World War there was a debate in Parliament about the desirability of asking about religious affiliation.

These debates got caught up in acrimonious disputes between the Church of England and the Nonconformists, particularly efforts by elements of the latter to disestablish the former. Anglicans wanted a census of religious profession, primarily because it had the potential to put them in the best statistical light. Nonconformists resisted this and urged a census of church attendance, as in 1851, thinking it would give them greater quantitative profile. Most Governments just wanted to steer clear of controversy by avoiding a question on religion in any form.

One of the fiercest disputes over the projected religious affiliation question came in 1910, when there was almost a major constitutional crisis between the House of Commons and House of Lords over the issue, which had come to the fore because of the campaign, then at its height, for disestablishment of the Church in Wales. The Lords twice passed an amendment to include the question in the census and only backed down at the eleventh hour.

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Is the BBC Christianophobic?

‘The BBC “is ageist and anti-Christian”: that’s the verdict of the Corporation’s OWN survey’, ran the headline over an article by Paul Revoir in yesterday’s edition of the Daily Mail, although the paper’s reporter had to confess that ‘it is not known exactly how many respondents expressed the view that the BBC was anti-Christian … ’

After some digging around, BRIN has traced the origins of this story back to a report by Public Knowledge, written on 31 January 2011 but not actually published by the BBC until 24 May, when the Corporation launched its diversity strategy for 2011-15. The Public Knowledge document can be downloaded from:

http://www.bbc.co.uk/diversity/pdf/diversity_strategy_consultation_report.pdf

This report was in fact not based upon any representative survey of the national population but was summarizing the results of online consultations about diversity run by the BBC for the public and BBC staff between 10 November 2010 and 7 January 2011. Those who replied (4,195 and 287 respectively) were entirely self-selecting.

Public Knowledge did indeed conclude that ‘in terms of religion, there were many who perceived the BBC to be anti-Christian and as such misrepresenting Christianity. Other respondents raised the same issue in terms of Muslims with responses suggesting that some BBC programming can be perceived as anti-Muslim or misunderstanding the religion.’

Also, ‘Christians are specifically mentioned as being badly treated, with a suggestion that more minority religions are better represented despite Christianity being the most widely observed religion within Britain.’

However, no statistics were cited to back up any of these statements. This was (from this particular standpoint, at least) an essentially qualitative piece of research.

Perceptions of the extent of Christianophobia have, therefore, to be quantified from other sources, including the Government’s Citizenship Surveys and opinion polls.

As previously noted, one of the latter has suggested recently that 27% of the British public believe that Christians are unfairly negatively portrayed in the media, with 34% saying the same about Muslims (http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=1128).

In answer to the Daily Mail, a BBC spokesman said: ‘The BBC does not have an anti-Christian bias. We have strict editorial guidelines on impartiality, including religious perspectives, and Christian programming forms the majority and the cornerstone of our religion and ethical output.’

One thing neither the Daily Mail nor the BBC picked up was the significant variation in the religious profiles of the public and BBC staff replying to the consultations. Whereas 63% of the former professed Christianity, this was true of only 37% of the latter. And while just 23% of the public claimed no religion, the proportion among BBC staff was as high as 50%.

It is entirely possible that such a marked religious contrast between the BBC’s employees and the licence-payers whom they serve may arise from the atypicality of the BBC staff who responded to the consultation.

Or there could be another demographic explanation, such as the relatively younger age structure of BBC personnel (the young being known to be less religious than their elders).

But it would certainly be interesting to know for sure. Presumably, the BBC will be reporting more fully on the religious allegiance of its employees when its new diversity strategy has kicked in.

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