Attitudes towards Different Religious Groups in Britain: Survey Data Sources

As well as evidence from opinion polls, data collected in social surveys allow us to explore and explain attitudes towards different religious groups in Britain. This post highlights some of the survey resources – available for general usage – which allow researchers to examine public views towards religious groups in Britain.

The three surveys used are:
the European Values Study;
the Pew Global Attitudes Project surveys; and
the British Social Attitudes surveys.

The surveys use different types of questions in order to gauge attitudes towards religious groups, and I give some summaries here. For each survey, the data are weighted so that the results are demographically representative.

1. European Values Study (EVS)
The EVS includes a British sample as part of its multi-national focus. It has undertaken surveys in 1981, 1990, 1998 and 2008. In each survey it has asked this question:

‘On this list are various groups of people. Could you please sort out any that you would not like to have as neighbours?’

It has asked about a range of social groups, not just those belonging to different religious faiths. Also, the religious categories asked about have varied across surveys. Muslims and Jews have been asked about in every survey from 1990 onwards, while other groups have been included in just a single survey. Table 1 gives the proportions (%) in each survey who mention that they would not like to have a particular religious group as neighbours.

BC1

Table 1 shows that, for the two groups asked about in nearly every survey – Muslims and Jews – the proportions who would not want them as neighbours have fallen over time. For Muslims, it has declined from 16.8 per cent to 12.2 per cent; for Jews from 7.2 per cent to 3.1 per cent. In 1981 a broader category – ‘minority religious groups’ – was used, and around a fifth expressed disapproval (21.6 per cent).

The other religious groups asked about have varied. In the latest survey (2008), just 1.6 per cent would not like to have Christians as neighbours, compared to 12 per cent for Hindus (asked about in 1990) and 12.6 per cent for Sikhs (asked about in 1998). Comparisons could be made with public attitudes in a range of other countries included in the EVS.

Further information and datasets are available at http://www.europeanvaluesstudy.eu/

2. Pew Global Attitudes Project (GAP)

The Pew GAP has since 2004 asked about attitudes towards Jews, Muslims and Christians in its cross-national surveys (with the exception of the 2007 survey). For each of these groups, respondents are asked:

‘On a different topic, please tell me if you have a very favourable, somewhat favourable, somewhat unfavourable or very unfavourable opinion of …[a particular religious group]’.

Responses to this question for the most recent survey – undertaken in 2009 – are shown below in Table 2 (for the British sample). Attitudes are most favourable towards Christians (82.2 per cent respond ‘very’ or ‘somewhat’) compared to Jews (75.4 per cent) and Muslims (64.5 per cent). Respondents are more likely to offer a ‘don’t response’ for Jews and Muslims. Again, interesting comparisons can be undertaken with other countries included in the GAP surveys.

bc2

Further information and datasets: http://pewglobal.org/category/data-sets/

3. British Social Attitudes (BSA)

The BSA 2008 survey asked about feelings towards various religiously-defined groups. It used a series of ‘thermometer’ scales – ranging from 0 through to 100 – in order to measure whether people feel warm (or cold) towards particular groups. Higher scores (i.e. above 50) represent warmer feelings.

In their recent study (American Grace: How Religion Divides and Unites Us, 2010), Putnam and Campbell argue that feeling thermometers represent an ‘effective way of gauging the gut-level feeling people have towards different groups’ (p. 503). Their analysis of attitudes in the United States using ‘thermometer’ scores found that the most unpopular religious groups were Muslims and Buddhists, along with Mormons (p. 507). The most positive assessments were of Jews, mainline Protestants and Catholics (p. 506).

In the BSA 2008 survey respondents were asked to rate their feelings towards seven groups:
– Protestant people (including Church of England, Church of Scotland, Anglican, Methodist, and others);
– Catholic people;
– Jewish people;
– Muslim people;
– Buddhist people;
– People who are deeply religious; and
– People who are not religious.

The average score for each group is shown in Figure 1 (in ascending order), revealing significant variation in feelings. Muslim people and people who are deeply religious received the lowest mean scores. Catholic people and Protestant people received the highest average scores, followed by people who are not religious. Jewish people and Buddhist people were very close to or the same as the average mean score across groups (56.1).

bc3

Further information and datasets: http://www.esds.ac.uk/government/bsa/

Further reading
– Putnam, R. D. and D. E. Campbell (2010). American Grace: How Religion Divides and Unites Us. New York: Simon & Schuster.
– Voas, D. and R. Ling (2010), ‘Religion in Britain and the United States’, A. Park et al (eds), British Social Attitudes 26th Report. London: Sage.

Dr Ben Clements
Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Leicester

bc101@leicester.ac.uk

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Mental Health of Clergy

Two-thirds of the Anglican stipendiary clergy replying to a survey by Morgan Lewis Consultants were keen to see guaranteed confidential support for the clergy for mental health problems and difficulties with emotional well-being and stress. This need came well ahead of their other health priorities such as sponsorship of a group clergy insurance scheme (15%) and an annual ‘MOT’ for clergy (10%).

The study was commissioned by St Luke’s Healthcare for the Clergy, the charity formed following the closure and sale in 2009 of St Luke’s Hospital for the Clergy (established by Canon Henry Cooper in 1892), which had run into financial difficulties. The research was designed to inform the charity’s future mission and strategy through a better understanding of the health needs of contemporary clergy.

The consultants sent 18,000 letters to active and retired Anglican clergy in November 2009 and received replies from 630 (a mere 3.5%). 510 came from stipendiary clergy and 110 from the retired. It seems probable that respondents were disproportionately former patients or otherwise aware of the hospital and thus may not constitute a statistically representative sample of all Anglican clergy.

Retired clergy had a different set of health desiderata to serving incumbents, principally financial help towards dental, optical or audiological treatment (30%), private insurance to be used in the event that the NHS could not deliver (25%), and assistance with the problems of old age such as Alzheimer’s disease (20%).

Church of England dioceses were also consulted and confirmed the challenges to the clergy of stress, anxiety and more serious mental health issues, which accounted for about one-third of all clerical sickness according to diocesan and national data. Mental health and stress-related conditions were identified by two-fifths of dioceses as the healthcare area in most demand by clergy.

A brief summary of the survey appeared on page 7 of the Church Times for 27 May 2011. Enquiries, either about the research or the charity’s future plans, should be addressed to the General Manager, St Luke’s Healthcare for the Clergy, Room 201, Church House, 27 Great Smith Street, London, SW1P 3AZ, telephone 020 7898 1700.

More generally, an extensive academic literature has emerged during the past quarter-century relating to the psychological health of the clergy. Some of the major investigations can be located through the BRIN source database by searching under key terms such as ‘stress’, ‘burnout’, ‘well-being’ and so forth.

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Naughty Vicar Syndrome

Local clergy come a close second to politicians in meriting media exposure for cheating on their spouse, according to a new survey commissioned by The Sunday Times in the wake of the controversy surrounding superinjunctions and the freedom of the press.

Fieldwork was conducted online by YouGov on 26 and 27 May 2011 among a representative sample of 2,723 Britons aged 18 and over. The detailed results from the poll are available at:

http://today.yougov.co.uk/sites/today.yougov.co.uk/files/yg-archives-pol-st-results-27-290511.pdf

Asked whether it would be legitimate for the press to report on cases where ten categories of individual had been unfaithful to their spouse, affirmative replies were as follows:

  • a senior politician – 71%
  • a backbench politician – 65%
  • a local clergyman – 64%
  • a local councillor – 62%
  • a top professional footballer – 59%
  • a senior executive of a major corporation – 58%
  • a well-known actor – 56%
  • a television presenter – 55%
  • a former reality TV star – 51%
  • a normal member of the public – 30%

Nearly three times as many respondents wanted to see local clergy exposed in the media as opted to keep the matter private (23%), with 13% unsure what to think. The clamour for publicity about clergy was notably high among Conservative voters (71%) and the over-60s (70%).

Religious professionals may no longer command the sort of respect in the community which they once did, but it seems that we generally still expect them to be exemplary in their moral behaviour and feel entitled to know about their falls from grace.

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Same-Sex Relationships and the Ministry

The General Assembly of the Church of Scotland voted on Monday to continue dialogue on same-sex relationships and the ministry following consideration of the report on the subject by a Special Commission appointed in 2009.

After several hours of debate, the Kirk’s commissioners voted by 351 to 294 to adopt deliverance 7B, which means a move towards the acceptance for training, induction and ordination for the ministry of those in same-sex relationships.

The Assembly also voted, by 393 to 252, to allow ministers and deacons in same-sex relationships who had been ordained before 2009 to be inducted into pastoral charges.

Homosexuality in the ministry has been, and remains, a hugely contentious issue in the Church of Scotland (as it is, of course, in the Church of England).

The extent of division of opinion in Scotland became readily apparent from a consultation conducted by the Special Commission at two levels of the courts of the Church: Presbyteries and Kirk Sessions. Formal ballot papers were used for this purpose. It should be noted that there was no survey of rank-and-file members of the Church.

1,237 responses were received from Kirk Sessions, representing 86% of congregations. The total membership of these Sessions was 34,438, of whom 22,342 (65%) took part in the discussion meetings.

Responses were submitted by all 43 Presbyteries within Scotland and by the Presbyteries of England and Europe. The total membership of these 45 Presbyteries was 4,309, of whom 2,624 (61%) participated in the discussion meetings.

The statistical outcomes of the consultation are summarized in section 2 of the report of the Special Commission, with a four-way analysis of the answers for each of the questions on the ballot paper: by individual members of Kirk Sessions, Kirk Sessions as a whole, individual members of Presbyteries, and Presbyteries as a whole. A commentary on the findings then follows in section 3. The document is available at:

http://www.churchofscotland.org.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0006/5757/ga11_specssrm.pdf

The Special Commission has also published the full figures from the consultation for both Presbyteries and Kirk Sessions (in the latter case, anonymized within Presbytery). These Excel files will be found at:

http://www.churchofscotland.org.uk/__data/assets/excel_doc/0020/5861/ga11_speccomm_presbytery_stats.xls

http://www.churchofscotland.org.uk/__data/assets/excel_doc/0019/5860/ga11_speccomm_kirksession_stats.xls

The questions posed were generally lengthy and complex, and it is not really possible to do justice to the data here.

Suffice it to say, however, that, while only a fairly small proportion of respondents (9% of members of Kirk Sessions and 11% of Presbyteries) both regarded homosexual orientation as a disorder and homosexual behaviour as sinful, many of those who accepted homosexuality as a given disapproved of homosexual behaviour in practice.

Moreover, 56% of members of Kirk Sessions and 58% of Presbyteries opposed the ordination as minister of a person in a same-sex relationship. 45% and 48% respectively were hostile to such a person exercising some other leadership role in the Church.

About one-fifth of both groups of members of these church courts said they might leave the Church of Scotland if the General Assembly allowed people in committed same-sex relationships to be ordained. 15% in each said they would secede if such people were appointed to other leadership positions.

At the same time, the Church of Scotland really is between a rock and a hard place, since 8% of members of Kirk Sessions and 6% of Presbyteries indicated that they would leave if the General Assembly forbade the ordination of individuals in committed same-sex relationships.

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European Values Study, Wave 4

The dataset for European Values Study (EVS), Wave 4, Great Britain has recently become available at the Economic and Social Data Service as SN 6757. The data also form part of the aggregated 47-country dataset for Wave 4 as SN 6539 (which includes the separate investigation in Northern Ireland).

EVS is the most comprehensive longitudinal research project on human values in Europe, covering citizens’ views about life, family, work, religion, sex, politics, and society. It began with Wave 1 in 1981, which surveyed 16 nations. The headquarters of EVS are at the Department of Sociology, Tilburg University, The Netherlands.

British data-collection for Wave 4 was undertaken by Quality Fieldwork and Research Services between August 2009 and March 2010 on behalf of EVS, with BRIN’s Professor David Voas as the British director. Funding was provided by the Economic and Social Research Council. 1,561 adults aged 18 and over were interviewed face-to-face.

The British questionnaire for 2009-10 can be found at:

http://www.esds.ac.uk/doc/6757/mrdoc/pdf/6757questionnaire_gb.pdf

Many of the questions replicate those in the three previous waves of EVS, but some are new and/or specific to Britain. The following list summarizes the explicitly religious (as opposed to moral) topics which were covered:

  • Importance of religion and other facets of life (Q.1)
  • Belonging to religious/church and other organizations (Q.5)
  • Acceptability of Muslim, Jew, Christian and other neighbours (Q.6)
  • Belonging to religious denomination (Q.23)
  • Previous religious denomination (Q.24)
  • Attendance at religious services now (Q.25)
  • Attendance at religious services when aged 12 (Q.26)
  • Importance of holding religious services for rites of passage (Q.27)
  • Self-assessed religiosity (Q.28)
  • Adequacy of the Churches’ answers to contemporary problems (Q.29)
  • Belief in God, life after death, hell, heaven, sin (Q.30)
  • Belief in reincarnation (Q.31)
  • Beliefs about God or life force (Q.32)
  • Method of connecting with the divine (Q.33)
  • Interest in sacred or supernatural (Q.34)
  • Truths of religions (Q.35)
  • Importance of God (Q.36)
  • Comfort and strength from religion (Q.37)
  • Prayer, meditation or contemplation (Q.38)
  • Prayer to God outside religious services (Q.39)
  • Belief in lucky charms (Q.40)
  • Religion in politics (Q.41)
  • Recalled religiosity of parents (Q.G1)
  • Importance of religion in upbringing (Q.G2)
  • Involvement of God in personal affairs (Q.G3a)
  • God’s anger at human sin (Q.G3b)
  • Censorship of books and films that attack religions (Q.G4)
  • Attitudes to the wearing of religious dress in public (Q.G5)
  • Attitudes to integration of Muslims in Britain (Q.G6)
  • Importance of shared religious beliefs and other factors to a successful marriage (Q.42)
  • Importance of religious faith and other qualities for children to learn at home (Q.52)
  • Confidence in the Church and other institutions (Q.63)

To celebrate the completion of Wave 4, a major international conference on ‘The Value(s) of Europe’ is being held at Tilburg University on 23-25 November, at which David Voas will be speaking on ‘Religion in Contemporary Europe’.

A new edition of the Atlas of European Values, based on EVS data, will be published at the same time. Other publications derived from Wave 4 are under consideration, including a book on Cross-National Values in Europe, which will offer ‘theoretical-empirical analysis on domain specific values’.

For details of Waves 1-3 of EVS in Great Britain, see the descriptions in the BRIN source database, as follows:

1981 – http://www.brin.ac.uk/sources/2102

1990 – http://www.brin.ac.uk/sources/1803

1999 – http://www.brin.ac.uk/sources/1437

For more information about EVS generally, go to:

http://www.europeanvaluesstudy.eu/

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Church and State

The recent Royal Wedding, between Prince William and Catherine Middleton (now the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge), gave rise to extensive opinion polling on the subject of British attitudes to the monarchy, and a few of these surveys touched on issues of Church and State.

One such was the Harris Interactive Royal Wedding poll for the Daily Mail, undertaken among an online sample of 1,029 adults aged 16 and over in the UK on 20 and 21 April 2011.

This included two relevant questions, both omitted from the newspaper’s publication of results on 23 April but subsequently released by Harris as tables 14 and 15 of the complete data at:

http://www.harrisinteractive.com/vault/HI_UK_Corp_News-Daily-Mail-Poll-Apr11.pdf

Middleton’s confirmation into the Church of England on 10 March, in a private service conducted by the Bishop of London at St James’s Palace, was the topic of the first question.

Her decision to seek confirmation may have been prompted in part by her recognition that her husband-to-be would be a future Supreme Governor of the Church of England.

52% of respondents in this Harris study ‘mostly supported’ Middleton’s confirmation, 11% ‘mostly opposed’ it, and 37% were unsure what to think. The high proportion of ‘don’t knows’ is characteristic of surveys on Church and State.

Approval of her confirmation peaked at 66% among the over-55s and also exceeded three-fifths in the Midlands and Wales. Opposition was highest (18%) among those aged 16-24, with 42% of this same cohort supportive and 40% undecided. Women (56%) were somewhat more in favour than men (49%).

The second question explored views on the establishment of the Church of England. 41% agreed with it, almost three times the number who disagreed (15%), with 44% neutral. Northern Ireland excepted (where only 10 people were interviewed), hostility to establishment never rose above 23% in any demographic sub-group.

At the same time, the over-55s (56%) were the only sub-group which registered an absolute majority in favour. The status quo of an established church in England is thus underpinned by a combination of positive public endorsement on the one hand and acquiescence/indifference on the other.

For other recent poll data, on the continuation of the monarch’s Supreme Governorship of the Church of England and of the bar (under the Act of Settlement 1701) on Roman Catholics or persons married to a Catholic acceding to the throne, see our previous posts at:

http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=1131

and

http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=1223

and

http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=1228

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Death and Dying in Eastern England

People of faith are marginally more likely to be comfortable discussing death in general and their own death in particular than those without a religion, and they are also rather more likely to have made end-of-life plans. However, the differences between the two groups are relatively slight and certainly less than many believers might have expected.

These are among the headline findings from a research report (and associated data tables) on Attitudes towards Death and Dying in the East of England which was released on 20 May by Ipsos MORI, who undertook the study on behalf of NHS East of England.

Fieldwork was conducted between 26 March and 20 July 2010 by means of a self-completion postal questionnaire sent to 2,500 randomly selected addresses in the East of England, of which 693 (28%) were returned by adults aged 16 and over after two reminders.

For comparative purposes, questionnaires were also mailed, on the same timescale, to 1,250 addresses in the rest of England, 332 (27%) of which responded.

In both instances, statistics were weighted by standard demographics to help rectify for non-response, especially to correct the disproportionate number of replies from women, older people and those not in employment.

Asked how comfortable they felt about talking about death generally, 76% of those affiliating to a faith or belief system said they felt comfortable. For atheists and those with no religion the figure was 69% (64% for those with no religion alone).

The gap narrowed somewhat in respect of conversing about respondents’ own deaths. 71% of those with a faith felt comfortable about discussing that scenario against 69% of atheists and those with no religion combined (or 65% for those with no religion alone).

38% of East of England residents said that they had discussed with somebody their spiritual or religious preferences for end-of-life. This was more than had communicated their wishes for dying with dignity (37%), preferred place of death (29%), privacy and peace (26%) and medical and nursing care (26%).

55% in the East of England stated that they had not discussed their spiritual or religious preferences, fewer than in the rest of England (66%).

Unsurprisingly, those in the East of England who were comfortable discussing their own death were more likely to have expressed their spiritual or religious preferences for end-of-life (47%) than those who were uncomfortable (21%). But the same was true for all other end-of-life wishes.

People in the East of England who said they did not subscribe to a religion were actually more likely to have discussed their spiritual or religious preferences (48%) compared to those who had a faith (36%).

On the other hand, religious individuals were slightly more advanced than the irreligious in making practical end-of-life arrangements (such as a will or specifying funeral requirements). Whereas 26% of those affiliating to a religion had made no such provision, the figure was 34% for atheists and those without a religion (or 28% for the latter alone).

In planning for end-of-life care, 10% in the East of England (and 13% in the rest of England) said they would seek information from a religious or spiritual advisor. This was a much lower proportion than would turn to family or friends (54%), a doctor (47%), a solicitor (20%), a nurse (17%) or even the internet (11%).

The proportion willing to look to a religious or spiritual advisor was little more (12%) even among the 78% of East of England residents who claimed to have a religion. So, religious professionals seem to be largely excluded from longer-term preparations for end-of-life. A mere 1% of atheists and those without a faith were willing to seek such advice.

The quantitative report from the survey, including most topline results for both the East of England and the remainder of the country, is available at:

http://www.ipsos-mori.com/Assets/Docs/Publications/attitudes-towards-dying-2011-final-report.pdf

The data tables for the East of England alone, with breaks by standard demographics and various death-related variables, can be found at:

http://www.ipsos-mori.com/Assets/Docs/Publications/attitudes-towards-dying-2011-tables.pdf

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Hate Crime in Scotland, 2010-11

Crimes motivated by religious prejudice rose by 10% in Scotland last year, representing the highest number of charges in that category since 2006-07, according to the report on Hate Crime in Scotland, 2010-11, published yesterday by the Crown Office and Procurator Fiscal Service (COPFS). The paper can be found at:

http://www.copfs.gov.uk/sites/default/files/Hate%20Crime%20-%20publication%20-%20final%20version.pdf

There were 693 charges with a religious aggravation in Scotland in 2010-11, as defined by Section 74 of the Criminal Justice (Scotland) Act 2003. This compared with 4,165 charges related to race crime (4% down on 2009-10), 50 to disability, 448 to sexual orientation, and 14 to transgender identity.

85% of the religious cases in 2010-11 resulted in court proceedings, 9% were not separately prosecuted (meaning that other charges for the accused within the same case were), 2% were dealt with by direct measures (such as fines and warning letters), no action was taken in 3% of cases, and 1% still await a decision.

Of the 20 religious cases where no action was taken, seven were judged not to be a crime, in six there was insufficient evidence, in five further action was considered to be disproportionate, and in one there were mitigating circumstances. Other (unspecified) reasons applied to the final case.

It should be noted that the statistics relate to the number of charges rather than the number of individuals charged or the number of incidents that gave rise to such charges. Where a charge had more than one hate crime aggravation, it is included in the overall figures for each type of hate crime into which it falls.

These data are highly topical, given the apparent recent resurgence of sectarianism in Scotland, including a spate of incidents against individuals connected with Glasgow Celtic Football Club. The Roman Catholic Church in Scotland has claimed that Scottish Catholics are six times more likely than Protestants to be a victim of bigotry.

Following a meeting of the Scottish Cabinet on 15 March, COPFS is committed to taking forward new research into the ‘religious context of religiously aggravated offences in Scotland’. Proposals for this project are currently being developed. The last study, in 2006, found two-thirds of reported offences were anti-Catholic in nature and a third were football related.

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Antisemitism Worldwide, 2010

23% of all serious acts of violence and vandalism perpetrated against Jews and Jewish property globally in 2010 took place in the UK, according to Antisemitism Worldwide, 2010: General Analysis.

This is a newly published report from Tel Aviv University’s Stephen Roth Institute for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism and Racism and the Kantor Center for the Study of Contemporary European Jewry. Edited by Roni Stauber, it is available to download at:

http://www.tau.ac.il/Anti-Semitism/asw2010/general-analysis-10.pdf

Of the worldwide total of 614 serious incidents in 2010, 144 were recorded in the UK, the highest number for any single country. France came next, with 134, and then Canada, on 99, followed a long way behind by Germany (38), the United States (28) and Australia (27).

The UK total was 61% down on that for 2009 (374 incidents), when anti-Semitism peaked in response to Israel’s Operation Cast Lead in Gaza. This was larger than the 46% global decrease. UK anti-Semitism in 2010 was at a similar level to 2006 and 2007, according to the Tel Aviv data, but well above the double figures of previous years. 

Stauber attributes the UK’s preeminence in this global league table of anti-Semitism to the ‘very unique’ fact that Britain exhibits a strong presence of both far-right political groups and Muslim pro-Palestinian communities, each of which is viewed as being anti-Jewish.

It should be noted that the Tel Aviv researchers employ a far tighter definition of anti-Semitic incidents than does the Community Security Trust (CST), which has been monitoring anti-Semitism in the UK since 1984.

The CST recorded 639 incidents in the UK in 2010 in its most recent report, which BRIN has covered at:

http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=855

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