Voting Intentions and Attitudes to Religious Minorities

With just over a week to go before the general election, we are literally awash with opinion polls at present. Unfortunately, few of those conducted during the present campaign have featured faith-specific issues, while the relatively small sample sizes mean that we get few clues about the attitudes of people who support political parties other than the ‘big three’.

It thus seems appropriate to recall one very large scale survey which YouGov ran for Channel 4 in the lead-in to last year’s European parliamentary elections, when the ‘minor parties’ were expected to make a strong showing in Britain.

No fewer than 32,268 electors were interviewed online between 29 May and 4 June 2009, including 2,749 persons intending to vote for the Green Party, 4,306 for the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and 985 for the British National Party (BNP).

The findings, which have long been in the public domain at

http://www.yougov.co.uk/extranets/ygarchives/content/pdf/Megapoll_EuroElections.pdf

have attracted scant attention. For us, they are especially useful in highlighting opinions about religious minorities, specifically Jews and Muslims, by voting intentions.

10% of all voters considered that Jews suffered unfair discrimination in Britain. Green supporters were the most sympathetic (15%), with Labourites and Liberal Democrats on 12%, Conservatives and UKIP voters on 9% and the BNP on 6%.

6% overall thought the Jews benefited from unfair advantage in Britain. Conservative, Labour, Liberal Democrat and Green supporters all stood at 5%, UKIP at 6% and the BNP at 12%.

Asked whether there was a major international conspiracy led by Jews and Communists to undermine traditional Christian values in Britain and other western countries, 17% said this was completely or partially true.

The proportion rose to 21% for UKIP and 33% for BNP voters, the other parties ranging from 9% (Greens) to 19% (Conservatives). Those who said the statement was completely untrue numbered 62% in the aggregate but only 48% in the case of BNP followers.  

Just 1% of the sample registered as holocaust deniers (and no more than 2% even for BNP voters). However, 8% of UKIP and 18% of BNP supporters thought the scale of the holocaust had been exaggerated.

Turning to Muslims, 21% of all voters held that they suffered unfair discrimination in Britain. The highest percentages were for the Greens (40%) and Liberal Democrats (33%), with Labour on 29% and the Conservatives on 15%. UKIP (8%) and BNP voters (3%) were least sympathetic to Muslims.

39% felt that Muslims in Britain enjoyed unfair advantages, and this figure rose to 61% in the case of UKIP and 70% for BNP voters. They were followed by the Conservatives on 44%, Labour on 27%, the Liberal Democrats on 26% and the Greens on 22%.

Still larger numbers agreed that, even in its ‘milder forms’, Islam constituted a serious danger to western civilization. 44% overall held this view, with 64% among UKIP and 79% BNP voters. Conservatives stood at 49%, Labour at 37%, Liberal Democrats at 32% and the Greens at 27%. Those in disagreement were 32%, with only the Greens achieving a majority (55%); among UKIP supporters the figure was 17% and for the BNP’s 7%.

Three conclusions emerge from these results. First, there is significantly more prejudice against Muslims than Jews. Second, the actual level of prejudice varies considerably according to the measure used and the wording of the question. Third, Green and Liberal Democrat voters are most tolerant (but by no means totally unprejudiced), and UKIP and (in particular) BNP supporters apparently most prejudiced against Jews and Muslims.

It should be noted that all the above data relate to the views of those intending to vote for one of the six political parties in May-June 2009. These views may not necessarily be current. Nor should they be confused with the official positions of each of the parties as set out in their general election manifestos or by their leadership.

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Christianity in Western Europe

On 1 April the Paris-based Roman Catholic daily newspaper La Croix published the headline findings of a poll which it had commissioned into Western European attitudes to Christianity.

The survey was undertaken online by the Institut Français d’Opinion Publique (IFOP) between 11 and 19 March 2010. Representative samples of 3,030 adults aged 18 and over were interviewed in France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy and Spain, including 505 Britons.  

IFOP’s full 57-page report (in French), including breaks by gender, age, occupation, urban/rural residence, region and religion, appears at:

http://www.la-croix.com/illustrations/Multimedia/Actu/2010/4/1/sondage-ifop.pdf

Asked about the visibility of Christians in society, 11% of Britons consider that Christians are too visible and 33% insufficiently visible (the highest figure for all five countries). The British proportion rises to 52% for those aged 65 and over (against 27% for the under-35s) and also exceeds one-half for Protestants (however, it is only 13% for those without any religion). 56% of all Britons think the visibility of Christians to be about right.

78% of Britons agree that Christians and the Churches are doing a poor job in reaching out to young people, much the same as in France, Germany and Spain, although significantly higher than the Italian figure of 37%. The range in Britain is from 65% of non-Christians and 69% in Greater London to 83% among men and 84% of those for whom Christians are too visible.

Only 34% of Britons believe that all religions are equally valid, the lowest percentage of the five countries (with a high of 62% in France). The figure is greatest among the under-35s (41%), Greater Londoners (40%), the irreligious (45%) and those who say Christians are too visible (69%).

69% of Britons feel that the message and values of Christianity remain relevant today, just 1% below Italy and far ahead of France, Germany and Spain. The British proportion rises inexorably with age, from 54% for those aged 18-24 to 85% among the over-65s. It stands at well over four-fifths for all groups of professing Christians but sinks to 48% for those without a religion.

Challenged to elaborate on the priorities for the Christian Churches today, 53% of Britons consider that the Churches should be available for life’s key moments, 21% more than the five-nation average. This stands at 60% for professing Anglicans, doubtless thinking of the Church of England’s traditional role as provider of the rites of passage.

38% of Britons want the Churches to agitate for world peace (a particular priority for Catholics and non-Christians), 28% to combat domestic poverty (especially important for the young), 27% to spread the message of Christ (advocated notably by Protestants and those for whom Christians are too invisible) and 14% to work for greater justice.

Beyond the Churches, in society as a whole, Britons feel that Christian values have the greatest positive role to play in respect of the family and education (44%), followed by interfaith and intercultural dialogue (40%), solidarity with the poor (25%), the moralisation of capitalism (20%), bioethics (16%), the protection of the environment (10%) and integration of immigrants (8%).

These are generally not dissimilar figures to the four other countries, although Britons assign a lower priority to poverty and a higher one to the moralisation of capitalism, the latter perhaps reflecting the fact that the economic recession has bitten deeper and lasted longer in Britain than in most other Western nations.

In Britain family and education are especially prized as a domain for Christian values by the over-65s (50%), Catholics (53%), non-Anglican Protestants (54%) and non-Christians (51%). Interfaith and intercultural dialogue are most important for the elderly and Protestants. Solidarity with the poor is a particular agenda item for the middle-aged, middle class and Catholics.

Summing up, La Croix concluded that the survey demonstrates the continuing recognition by Europeans of Christianity’s traditionally privileged position. The ‘Christian anchorage’ appears ‘too deep to be shifted by the waves stirred by current events’. However, the newspaper notes that the French have a tendency to be most critical of Christianity, while ‘for the English above all, religion is a private affair’.

Certainly, the poll reveals a fairly strong Christian undercurrent among the British people, albeit one which may be more rooted in historical and emotional legacy rather than a vibrant faith which translates into orthodox religious belief and practice.

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St George, Patron Saint of England

Friday (23 April) will be St George’s Day, celebrated for centuries as England’s national day. George was a Christian martyr of the fourth century AD who has been England’s patron saint since the fourteenth century, in succession to Edward the Confessor. The slaying of the dragon was not attributed to George until the late twelfth century.

In anticipation of the 2010 commemoration, This England magazine commissioned OnePoll, the online market research company, to conduct (between 7 and 14 April) a multinational survey into patriotism among 5,820 adults aged 18-65 drawn from its membership panel.

This reveals England as the least patriotic of the nine European countries surveyed, with a marked disinclination to fly the St George’s Cross. Moreover, only one in three of the English knew St George’s Day was this Friday, and more than four in ten were ignorant of the reasons for St George being England’s patron saint.

These proportions can be compared with an equivalent study for This England last year, conducted online by YouGov on 3-6 April 2009 when 44% of 1,714 English adults aged 18 and over correctly gave the date of St George’s Day and 50% knew why George is the patron saint of England.

Of course, this level of knowledge may be exaggerated, since one of the problems about asking factual questions in online surveys is that respondents can look up the answers on the internet or in a book and thus cheat!

Interestingly, given the choice, only 25% of 512 practising Christians in the UK would choose St George as the patron saint of England, according to a ComRes poll for Premier Christian Media between 22 April and 1 May 2009. 11% preferred St Augustine, 9% St Alban, 5% St Cuthbert, 4% St Thomas à Becket, while 20% did not want England to have a patron saint at all.

A press release about the OnePoll survey will be found at:

http://www.onepoll.com/press-archive/England-least-patriotic-country

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Saliency of Political Issues

We have already noted one headline finding from the online Cpanel survey of 422 practising Christians conducted by ComRes for Premier Christian Radio between 30 March and 12 April 2010 (‘Christians and the general election’, 19 April).

Hot off the press, ComRes has now released the full findings, running to 84 pages of data tables, for this poll. They cover the attitudes of Christians to political issues, political party leaders and the prospects of a hung Parliament following the general election.

The tables will be found at:

http://www.comres.co.uk/premierchristiansapril2010.aspx

Space does not permit a complete analysis of the results, but it is useful to highlight here the saliency of particular political issues among practising Christians and the electorate as a whole (the latter data are taken from an Ipsos MORI poll of 1,503 adult Britons aged 18 and over interviewed by telephone on 19-22 March 2010).

The percentages of each of these two groups saying that a specific political issue was likely to be very important to them in helping to decide which party to vote for at the forthcoming general election were as follows:

  CHRISTIANS ELECTORATE
Economy

64

32

Families

63

Not asked

Healthcare

53

26

Education

52

23

Crime

42

8

Immigration

34

14

Environment

31

5

Taxes

27

12

Third world/international issues

27

Not asked

Climate change

19

Not asked

Transport

17

3

What is interesting from the above table is that, while the economy, healthcare and education are key priorities for both groups, practising Christians appear to be much more exercised about every issue than do electors in general.

When asked a different question, to choose from a list of issues which is the most important one facing Britain today, practising Christians gave the following answers: economy (42%), family and societal breakdown (13%), secularism (11%), immigration (7%), moral disintegration (7%), faults in the political system (5%), crime (3%), unemployment (2%) and religious freedom (2%).

The poll thus suggests that politicians courting votes would be well-advised to remember that practising Christians appear to be informed and concerned voters, often with specific political preoccupations.

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In the Firing Line

One of the more surprising religion-related news stories in recent weeks has been the row which developed over the use of models of ‘generic Eastern buildings’ on the Ministry of Defence (MoD)’s firing range at Bellerby, North Yorkshire. They were designed to simulate an overseas environment in which British troops might be operationally deployed.

However, the Bradford Council for Mosques thought the mock-ups looked suspiciously like mosques. Under a barrage of criticism, not just from Muslims, the Ministry issued a public apology and partly dismantled the offending structures.

YouGov tested popular opinion on the subject in an online survey among a representative sample of 2,404 adult Britons aged 18 and over on 9-12 April 2010. The results of this poll, with breaks by gender, age, social grade and region, are posted at:

http://today.yougov.co.uk/sites/today.yougov.co.uk/files/YG-Archives-Muslims-12.04.pdf

28% of respondents thought that it was wrong for the MoD to use mosque-like replicas on the firing range, with women (33%) and Scots (35%) being especially critical. 64% could find nothing specifically wrong in what the MoD had done, including 74% of men. There were 9% don’t knows.

35% wanted the mosque-like replicas to be changed, the figure rising to 41% for women and 45% for Scots. 54% (with 64% of men) thought they should be retained since they helped the training of the armed forces. 12% expressed no view either way.

30% agreed that the MoD had not thought or worried about the potential fallout from using the mosque-replicas, 39% disagreed, with 32% neutral or don’t knows.

29% agreed with the chairman of the Bradford Council for Mosques that the MoD’s actions reinforced existing negative perceptions of Muslims, implying that mosques were places of danger which were legitimate ‘targets’. The figure rose to 32% for women, 34% for those aged 18-34 and 35% for Londoners. 44% disagreed with the chairman, with 27% undecided.

In a subsequent online poll (12-14 April among 2,095 adults), YouGov asked respondents to imagine an alternative scenario, whereby a foreign defence ministry had used models of Christian churches on its firing ranges, to simulate the conditions of war in a Christian country.

Interestingly, opinion was more evenly divided in this case, 40% considering it would be wrong for the foreign defence ministry to do this (including 33% of men and 47% of women), and 42% finding nothing objectionable (57% of men and 27% of women).

In other words, 12% more of the population are worried about the use of replica churches on firing ranges than about the use of replica mosques. Perhaps this is another subtle manifestation of British Islamophobia?

This second YouGov poll can be found at:

http://today.yougov.co.uk/sites/today.yougov.co.uk/files/YG-Archives-Pope-12.04.pdf

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Pope Benedict on the Back Foot

Pope Benedict XVI has just celebrated the fifth anniversary of his accession to office, but his position is coming increasingly under fire in the wake of mounting revelations about the Roman Catholic Church’s complicity in the clerical abuse of children in the past.

No overall public opinion rating of the Pope appears to have been undertaken in Great Britain since we last reported on the matter on this website (‘What do we think of the Pope?’, 26 February 2010).

However, YouGov has inserted a couple of pertinent questions in its online survey of a representative sample of 2,095 adults aged 18 and over between 12 and 14 April 2010. You will find the detailed results, broken down by gender, age, social grade and region, at:

http://today.yougov.co.uk/sites/today.yougov.co.uk/files/YG-Archives-Pope-12.04.pdf

The first question asked Britons whether it was right for the Pope (when a Cardinal in 1985) to resist the immediate defrocking of a Californian priest with a criminal record of sexually molesting children on the grounds that ‘the good of the universal Church’ had to be taken into account.

91% of respondents condemned the Pope for taking this position and argued for immediate defrocking of a priest under such circumstances. Only 3% considered ‘the good of the universal Church’ was a relevant factor, with 7% don’t knows.

The second question alluded to efforts by Richard Dawkins and Christopher Hitchens, two prominent atheists, to get human rights lawyers to produce a legal case for charging the Pope, during the forthcoming papal visit to England and Scotland (16-19 September), over his alleged cover-up of sexual abuse in the Church.

Just 15% of the sample favoured the Pope being granted immunity from prosecution while in Britain (11% because the Vatican is a state and 4% because the Pope is a religious leader).

79% (with no great differences by demographic sub-groups) contended that the Pope should not have legal immunity (11% because they do not consider the Vatican to be a state and 68% because, whether a state or not, nobody should be above the law). The don’t knows again amounted to 7%.

The 1982 papal visit to Britain by Pope John Paul II excited a fair bit of controversy, but this year’s visit by Pope Benedict XVI looks set to stir up even more hostility. Not only does the scandal of child abuse in the Church look set to run and run, but secularists and humanists are clearly on the offensive (see our post ‘Cyber warfare breaks out over the papal visit to Britain’, 15 March 2010), elements of the Church of England have been stung by the Pope’s surprise announcement of self-governing ordinariates for former Anglicans, while the ‘no popery’ tradition of British Protestantism is not entirely extinguished.

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Christians and the General Election

Nick Clegg and the Liberal Democrats may currently be riding on the crest of a wave following last Thursday’s televised leadership debate, but he appears to have a lot of ground to make up with practising Christians in the UK.

That at least is the conclusion suggested by an online Cpanel survey of 423 of them undertaken by ComRes on behalf of Premier Christian Media between 30 March and 12 April 2010.

This sample of Christians (weighted denominationally according to the 2005 English church census) was asked who would make the best prime minister. 37% said David Cameron of the Conservatives, with 20% favouring Labour’s Gordon Brown, 6% Nick Clegg and 3% minor party leaders.

However, 22% of Christians remain undecided about who would be best to lead the country and a further 12% profess no faith in any of the potential leaders. With 17 days of campaigning to go before the general election, it certainly seems to make sense for politicians to court the Christian vote.

Premier’s press announcement about the poll appears at:

http://www.inspiremagazine.org.uk/news.aspx?action=view&id=4404

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Tolerance of Religion

ComRes has just released on its website the results of an opinion poll it conducted for the BBC on 26-28 February 2010, which does not yet appear to have been publicized by the BBC itself. A representative sample of 1,005 adult Britons aged 18 and over was interviewed by telephone.

Only one question was put to the sample: ‘In your opinion, is Britain becoming more tolerant or less tolerant of religion?’ 39% of respondents replied that Britain is becoming more tolerant, 14% reported no change and 44% detected a growing intolerance towards religion.

Of standard demographics, only the breaks by age particularly stand out: 64% of those aged 18-24 considered that Britain is becoming more tolerant of religion, whereas 57% of those aged 65 and over felt it is becoming less tolerant (more than twice the proportion of this cohort believing it to be more tolerant).

Because of the limited sample size, disaggregations by religious profession are only meaningful for the categories of Christians and those with no religion. By a margin of 8% (37% more and 45% less tolerant), Christians were more inclined to pessimism, while for the irreligious there was a net 3% towards optimism (44% against 41%).

For the full statistics, see: http://www.comres.co.uk/page165372537.aspx

The results are broadly consistent with those of other recent surveys covering religious prejudice and discrimination in pointing to an environment in which religious people in Britain have a sense of being increasingly under scrutiny. This is especially so for Muslims (on account of rising Islamophobia) and Christians (who feel vulnerable in the face of legislative changes, unsuccessful court cases and attacks from high-profile secularists).

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Who should run State Schools?

Who should run state schools? A new survey commissioned by two trade unions, NASUWT: The Teachers’ Union and Unison, has posed just that question. It was conducted by Ipsos MORI who interviewed a representative sample of 1,211 adults aged 15 and over in England face-to-face in their homes on 5-11 March 2010.

The sample was asked to consider the idea that ‘more schools in the future could be run directly by private companies, religious groups, charities or groups of parents rather than being run by the local council as they generally are now’.

When quizzed which would be the most appropriate group to run state-funded schools, 62% replied that it should be local authorities and 14% universities or colleges. Only 4% suggested religious organizations, with the highest percentage among demographic sub-groups being 15% for parents whose children attended a private school. The next highest figure in favour of religious organizations was the 7% recorded for those aged 65 and over, Londoners and readers of broadsheet newspapers.

When the question was inverted, and respondents were asked which group should not run state-funded schools, religious organizations headed the list at 35%, closely followed by private companies (34%) and groups of parents (32%). The opposition to religious organizations was never an actual majority for any particular sub-group, but it did exceed  40% for single people, those aged 15-24, middle income earners, those who considered the standard of state education to be relatively poor, and residents of East Midland, Eastern, North-Eastern and South-Western counties.

It should be noted that the answers in respect of religious groups should not be confused with attitudes to what are popularly known as faith schools, which remain maintained schools generally drawing their recurrent funding from the local authority. The principal conclusion of the poll is that most people want state schools to remain under direct state control, rather than their management to be ‘privatized’ in some way. However, it is significant that, of the various ‘privatization’ options, management by religious organizations is one of the least attractive with the public.  

Detailed computer tabulations of results from this poll will be found at:

http://www.ipsos-mori.com/researchpublications/researcharchive/poll.aspx?oItemId=2579

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Christian Schools and Social Selectivity

A new report from the Sutton Trust suggests that Christian state secondary schools in England are more socially selective than their secular counterparts.

Entitled Worlds Apart: Social Variation among Schools, it has been prepared by Alan Smithers and Pamela Robinson of the Centre for Education and Employment Research, University of Buckingham.

It will be found at: http://www.suttontrust.com/reports/Worlds_apart.pdf

The researchers have used a new indicator developed by the Department of Communities and Local Government. This is the Income Deprivation Affecting Children Index (IDACI), which plots the proportion of children in defined areas who are in families in receipt of income support.

These IDACI data have enabled them to calculate a Social Selectivity Index for each maintained secondary school. A high score indicates that a school takes fewer pupils from income deprived homes than would be expected from the locality, a low score that it takes an above average number.

For the large category of 2,679 comprehensive schools, the mean social selectivity score was 497.0. However, for 140 Church of England schools it was 520.1, for 308 Roman Catholic schools 507.2 and for 22 other Christian schools 515.9. The 14 non-Christian schools scored 482.3 and 2,195 non-faith schools 494.1.

The results of this survey could well restoke the fires of debate about faith schools in this country, especially as regards their perceived social divisiveness.

The Sutton Trust was founded in 1997 by Sir Peter Lampl with the aim of promoting social mobility through education. It is particularly concerned with breaking the link between educational opportunities and family background.

Those seeking to learn more about faith schools more generally might like to read Elizabeth Green, Mapping the Field: A Review of the Current Research Evidence on the Impact of Schools with a Christian Ethos (London: Theos, 2009, ISBN 978 0 9562182 0 9, £10).

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