Ipsos Global @dvisor Surveys Religion

Forced to choose, no fewer than 71% of Britons contend that ‘religious beliefs promote intolerance, exacerbate ethnic divisions, and impede social progress in developing and developed nations alike’. Only 29% say the polar opposite, that ‘religion provides the common values and ethical foundations that diverse societies need to thrive in the 21st century’.

This ranks Britain fifth equal in terms of negativity towards religion in a league table of 23 countries surveyed in Wave 14 of the Ipsos Global @dvisor omnibus poll. Fieldwork was conducted online between 7 and 23 September 2010 among a total of more than 18,000 adults aged 16-64, including 1,002 in Great Britain.

The weighted average for all countries produced a pro-religion vote of 48% and an anti one of 52%, but there was wide variation in the national scores. The negative list was headed by several Western European countries, Sweden (81%), Belgium (79%), France (76%) and Spain (75%).

The pro-religion vote was led by Muslim Saudi Arabia (92%) and Indonesia (91%), with the United States one of several countries around the two-thirds mark. In general, developing economies displayed a higher level of support for the positive role of religion than did the advanced economies of the G8 and Europe.

The topic was investigated by Ipsos in the run-up to the Munk Debates on Religion, between the Roman Catholic Tony Blair and the atheist Christopher Hitchens, in Toronto on 26 November 2010, and a summary report of the findings was released on that date. It can be downloaded from:

http://www.ipsos-na.com/download/pr.aspx?id=10209

The same survey also included three other questions on religion, posed on behalf of Reuters News, although the results were not published until 25 April 2011. The full data tables for these questions, with breaks by various demographics, are available at:

http://www.ipsos-na.com/download/pr.aspx?id=10669

Across all 23 countries, 51% believed in God or a supreme being, 18% disbelieved and 30% were undecided. Disbelievers numbered 34% in Great Britain, exceeded only by France (39%), Sweden (37%) and Belgium (36%). The proportion was a mere 7% in the United States and 3% or less in Brazil, India, Indonesia, South Africa and Turkey. British disbelievers were especially concentrated among men (43%) and persons with a high household income (42%).

Globally, 51% believed in some form of life after death, albeit not necessarily in heaven and hell, while 23% stated that one simply ceased to exist and 26% were uncertain. In Britain far fewer adults (37%) believed (13% in heaven or hell, 5% in reincarnation, 19% in some other form of afterlife), 31% regarded the present life as the end, and 32% expressed no opinion.

Britons who said that there definitely was no afterlife were more numerous than in 16 other countries, being surpassed by South Korea and Spain (40%), France (39%), Japan (37%) and Belgium (35%) and equalled by China. Disbelievers were again more likely to be found among men (39%) and the wealthiest households (40%).     

Asked about the origins of human life, 41% in all countries were evolutionists, 28% creationists and 31% unclear. In Britain evolutionists outnumbered creationists by more than four to one (55% against 12%), although there were fewer than in Sweden (68%), Germany (65%), China (64%), Belgium (61%) and Japan (60%), with the British proportion the same as in France and Hungary.

Creationists were in a majority in only four countries (Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa and Turkey), three of them predominantly Muslim. The most highly-educated Britons were the most pro-evolution (69%), but the converse was not true. Indeed, creationists never exceeded 14% in any British demographic sub-group. 34% of all Britons were undecided on the issue.    

The results for this question on the origins of human life may be compared with the near-contemporaneous statistics from an Ipsos MORI poll for the Department for Business, Innovation & Skills, which approached the topic from two contrasting perspectives. See our coverage at:

http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=1232

It should be noted that, as is common with online panels, the sample excluded the cohort of over-65s, since these are still generally underrepresented among online users. As this is precisely the cohort which, in other surveys, tends to come out as the most religious, then it follows that the Ipsos Global @dvisor data are likely to underestimate somewhat the nation’s religiosity.

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Health Benefits of Christian Faith

‘In contrast to the popular myth that Christian faith is bad for health … published research suggests that faith is associated with longer life and a wide range of health benefits. In particular, faith is associated with improved mental health. At the very least, the burden of proof is on those who claim that faith is bad for health and that all forms of spiritual care should be excluded from modern medicine.’

That is the key conclusion and challenge of a four-page report from the Christian Medical Fellowship (CMF), which was formed in 1949 and has over 4,000 UK doctors and 900 UK medical students as members. Health Benefits of Christian Faith by Alex Bunn and David Randall (CMF Files, No. 44) was published at Easter and can be downloaded from:

http://admin.cmf.org.uk/pdf/cmffiles/44_faith_benefits.pdf

The paper does not present any new empirical data to substantiate its thesis but rather summarizes existing research, especially drawing upon the large-scale synthesis of research findings about physical and mental health outcomes attributable to religion which are presented in Harold Koenig, Michael McCullough and David Larson, Handbook of Religion and Health (Oxford University Press, 2001).

Bunn and Randall make no attempt to separate out UK-based and overseas research, and the literature in this field is undoubtedly disproportionately American. National differences in religiosity may, therefore, need to be factored in. However, the authors do discuss definitional issues, the problem of proving causality, and the controversies surrounding ‘prescribing faith’ as a medical ‘treatment’.

As will be seen from our recent coverage of the National Secular Society’s survey of hospital chaplaincy – http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=905 – the links between faith and health outcomes are, indeed, a matter for vigorous debate.

Although some Christians have been quick to seize upon the evidential value of CMF’s report (the front page of the current issue of the Baptist Times, for example, is headlined ‘How to live long and die happier’), it is unlikely that much time will pass before the contrary view is set out.

Also relevant is a book by Andrew Sims, Is Faith Delusion? Why Religion is Good for Your Health (Continuum, 2009), which examines and explains the connection and the division between Christian faith and psychiatry. Sims was Professor of Psychiatry at the University of Leeds for more than twenty years.

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Amending the Act of Settlement

Last Friday’s royal wedding of Prince William and Catherine Middleton, now the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge, has rekindled public debate on Britain’s monarchical succession laws.

Attention has mostly focused on the primogeniture rule, a throw-back to feudal times, whereby the British throne is inherited by the eldest son of the monarch, regardless of whether there is a first-born female child.

However, a YouGov poll for today’s The Sunday Times also enquired about (without mentioning it explicitly by name) the Act of Settlement 1701, which bars Roman Catholics, or persons married to a Catholic, from acceding to the throne.

The survey was conducted online on 28 and 29 April 2011 among a representative sample of 2,280 Britons aged 18 and over. The detailed results appear on p. 10 of the data tables at:

http://today.yougov.co.uk/sites/today.yougov.co.uk/files/st20110501.pdf

43% of respondents wanted to see the law amended to permit a Catholic to ascend the throne, while 36% favoured the status quo and 21% expressed no opinion on the subject.

Pressure for change was strongest among current Labour voters (51%) and Scots (52%), with opposition coming disproportionately from Conservatives (49%) and the over-60s (44%).

These figures are superficially in marked contrast to those recorded in another recent YouGov study, for Prospect magazine on 1-2 February 2011, which employed somewhat different question-wording in that a) it spoke only of a law prohibiting a monarch from marrying a Catholic and b) it sought views on the repeal (as distinct from amendment) of that law.

In the Prospect poll 71% of Britons elected for repeal against 16% wanting the law to stay as it is, a reforming margin of +55% compared with just +7% in The Sunday Times investigation. See our earlier coverage at: http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=1131

The difference between the two surveys might be explained in terms of the fact that in April there was a clear statement that the prospective monarch was a Roman Catholic, whereas in February there was no assumption that the monarch was necessarily a Catholic him/herself, only that he/she might wish to marry a Catholic.

Some might gloss these widely varying data as implying some kind of lingering anti-Catholic undercurrent in British society, others as recognition by the public of the monarch’s constitutional role as Supreme Governor of the Church of England, thereby precluding a Catholic from sitting on the throne.

To add to the complexity, an Ipsos MORI poll for The Tablet on 20-26 August 2010 found 44% of Britons thinking it wrong that members of the royal family who are or have been married to a Catholic should have to give up their right to become king or queen. 24% took the opposite line and the remainder were neutral or expressed no view. See: http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=524

All in all, this is a good example of just how difficult it can be to measure popular attitudes to anything connected with religion, and how careful one must be to unpack the question-wording.

But will the public’s views, whatever they are, be heeded? Both the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister have declared themselves as open to reform of the laws of monarchical succession, albeit the former’s support seems muted, more at the level of ‘in principle’, with realism about the difficulties of securing Commonwealth-wide approval. Already the Canadian authorities have indicated that they see the change as a low priority.

As for the Roman Catholic Church, there appears to be remarkably little pressure from the English and Welsh hierarchy to sweep away this 300-year-old statute against Catholic royals. The Scottish bishops seem keener for the Government to act, doubtless setting the issue within the context of a strong tradition of sectarianism in Scotland, which surfaced again recently in the Celtic parcel bombs affair.

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Does Christianity Have A Future?

BRIN readers who happen to catch this post before 10.25pm this evening (Sunday 17 April) may be interested in tonight’s programme, DOES CHRISTIANITY HAVE A FUTURE?, which discusses the decline and resilience of Christianity in the UK. It is to be aired on on BBC1 (except Scotland), and hosted by Ann Widdecombe on a return to more serious material after her extended stint on STRICTLY COME DANCING. A seminar at the University of Manchester, hosted by BRIN co-director David Voas, was recorded for the programme, so I’ll be taking an especial interest.

More information is available here: http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b010n3qr

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Britain as a Christian Country

The recent census question on religion sparked some debate about the persistence of cultural Christianity. That phenomenon can be defined both at the level of the individual and in terms of national character – whether Britain remains a ‘Christian country’.

One-half of the British population seemingly still regards Britain as a Christian country and wants it to remain so, according to a ComRes poll undertaken for the campaign group Christian Concern and published on 8 April.

Fieldwork was conducted by telephone between 18 and 20 March 2011 among a representative sample of 1,002 adults aged 18 and over. The data tables are available at:

http://www.comres.co.uk/christianconcernequalitiespollapr11.aspx

Asked whether it was preferable for Britain to be regarded as a Christian rather than an atheistic country, 52% agreed, 37% disagreed and 11% expressed no opinion.

Views varied considerably by age. Whereas among the 18-24s only 20% agreed and 67% disagreed, among the over-65s the figures were 72% and 19% respectively.

Social class also made a difference, the top (AB) social group recording a margin of just 8% in favour of a Christian country (49% versus 41%) while among the DEs those in agreement outnumbered dissentients by two to one (62% against 29%).

Respondents were then faced with the statement ‘It does not matter whether or not Britain remains a Christian country in terms of its legal and cultural heritage’. 48% disagreed, 43% agreed and 9% were undecided.

Demographic variations were not quite as marked as for the first statement, but there was still some age effect. Those in disagreement peaked at 55-56% among the 35-44s and over-55s, with 60% of 18-24s and 55% of 25-34s agreeing that it did not matter whether Britain remained a Christian country.

Interviewees were not asked on this occasion whether Britain could actually be described as a Christian country, but this question was put in an earlier ComRes/Christian Concern poll on 26-29 November 2010. 50% then replied in the affirmative and 47% in the negative. See our previous post at: http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=804 

The four remaining statements in this year’s survey dealt with public attitudes to equality legislation. These were informed by the recent High Court case involving Owen and Eunice Johns, Christian foster-carers from Derby who hold that homosexual activity is morally wrong.

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British Muslims and the Police

Taken as a whole, Muslims in England and Wales express higher levels of trust and confidence in the police than do the general population, notwithstanding the fact that they report crime and disorder impacts more negatively upon them than society at large.

This conclusion, from secondary analysis of the British Crime Surveys (BCS), is held to challenge the oft-repeated claim that Muslims have been profoundly alienated by the workings of Prevent policing since its inception in 2003, as part of the Government’s CONTEST counter-terrorism strategy.

This research is written up in a new report commissioned and published by the Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) Terrorism and Allied Matters (TAM) Business Area. Assessing the Effects of Prevent Policing, by Martin Innes, Colin Roberts and Helen Innes of the Universities’ Police Science Institute at Cardiff University, is available for download from:

http://www.acpo.police.uk/documents/TAM/2011/PREVENT%20Innes%200311%20Final%20send%202.pdf

The quantitative data in the report derive from BCS studies undertaken among adults aged 16 and over in England and Wales between 2004/5 and 2008/9. The Muslim sub-samples were large: about 1,800 in 2004/5, 2005/6 and 2006/7 (when there was an ethnic minority booster), and 1,000 in 2007/8 and 2008/9. A few findings are summarized below.

In addition, there was a qualitative investigation, comprising 95 in-depth, semi-structured interviews with Muslim community members and police involved in delivering Prevent, but this evidence is not considered here.

The 2008/9 BCS showed that Muslims were more likely than the general population to give their local police a rating of excellent or good. This was true of all Muslim gender and age groups, separately considered. Although young Muslims (aged 16-34) of both sexes were less likely to give this rating than the over-34s, 59% against 66%, this was still 6% more than for young adults generally. But Muslim males aged 16-24 were an exception to this rule, a possible by-product of Prevent policing.

This mostly positive picture was largely confirmed by seven measures of local police effectiveness in the 2008/9 survey, 34% of Muslims compared with 23% of the general population agreeing with all seven. Agreement with individual measures was naturally much higher, for example 75% of Muslims against 67% of the general population having confidence in the police in their area. Only in the matter of being treated with respect when in contact with the police were Muslims slightly more negative than all adults; even so, 81% remained optimistic on this point.

Muslims were more inclined than the general population to regard a raft of criminal activities and social disorders as problematical, especially teenagers hanging around on the street, drug use and public drinking. This was true across all five BCS studies considered. Throughout the same period Muslims were also impacted more (in terms of quality of life) by the fear of crime and actual crime than were citizens generally. Muslim perceptions of the local crime rate were likewise higher than the norm.

On average over the quinquennium, Muslims were about 15% more likely than all adults to be very or fairly worried about falling victim to a crime, the 2008/9 statistics being 52% and 35%. The differential was maintained for concerns about six specific types of crime. However, Muslims were markedly less prone (by a factor of 20% in some years) to have reported to the police that they had been such a victim.

Despite these anxieties about crime, the vast majority of all adults in the 2007/8 BCS endorsed the statement that people from different backgrounds got on well together. This was particularly true of Muslims and, within this faith community, of inner city residents and women. The overall Muslim figure of 87% represented a dramatic recovery from 2006/7, when it had collapsed to 42%, almost certainly a reflection of perceived enmity towards Muslims following the London bombings in 2005.

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Group-Focused Enmity in Europe

Fresh light on anti-Semitism and Islamophobia in Britain is shed in a report published by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Berlin on 11 March 2011. Entitled Intolerance, Prejudice and Discrimination: A European Report, it is written by Andreas Zick, Beate Kupper and Andreas Hovermann. It is available to download from:

http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/do/07908-20110311.pdf

The publication is based upon the Group-Focused Enmity in Europe project which is located at the Bielefeld Institute for Interdisciplinary Research on Conflict and Violence, and which has been supported by funding from a consortium of six foundations.

Fieldwork for the underlying survey was conducted in eight European countries during autumn 2008: France, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, Italy, The Netherlands, Poland and Portugal. A sample of 1,000 adults aged 16 and over was interviewed by telephone by TNS in each nation.

Attitudes to various groups were measured, but this particular report concentrates on a sub-set of six types of prejudice: anti-immigrant views, anti-Semitism, homophobia, Islamophobia (or anti-Muslim attitudes, as they are termed here), racism and sexism.

There continues to be evidence of anti-Semitism in Britain, with 14% of adults agreeing that Jews had too much influence, 22% that they tried to take advantage of being victims during the Nazi era, and 23% that they did not care about anything or anybody except their own kind.

However, these figures were actually the lowest for all the eight countries, with the exception of The Netherlands. Britain and The Netherlands came joint first on a fourth measure, agreeing that Jews enriched the national culture (72%). Hungary and Poland were generally most negative about the Jews.

Levels of hostility rose somewhat when the question of Israel-Palestine was put to a half-sample. 36% of Britons said that, given Israeli policy, they could understand why people did not like Jews. Still more, 42%, concurred that Israel was conducting a war of extermination against the Palestinians, which was a bigger proportion than in Hungary, Italy and The Netherlands.

Negativity towards Muslims was greater still. 45% of Britons considered that there were too many Muslims in the country, 50% claimed that they were too demanding, and 47% regarded Islam as a religion of intolerance.

These three items were combined into a scale of anti-Muslim attitudes. While Hungary and Poland were about as Islamophobic as they were anti-Semitic, the mean scores for the remaining nations were much higher than for anti-Semitism, Britain included. Portugal was least Islamophobic.

Other questions did not form part of this scale but, administered to a half-sample, reinforced the evidence of enmity. Only 39% in Britain felt that the Muslim culture fitted well into the country and Europe, and 82% viewed Muslim attitudes towards women as contradicting British values. 38% believed that many Muslims perceived terrorists as heroes, and 26% that the majority of Muslims found terrorism justifiable.

Anti-Muslim sentiments were shown to have an especially strong relationship with anti-immigrant views, and this was particularly true of Britain. The correlation between anti-immigrant and anti-Semitic opinions was less marked but still observable. Anti-Muslim and anti-Semitic attitudes had a relationship of medium strength.

Correlations with self-assessed religiosity were explored in a separate report on the same survey: Beate Kupper and Andreas Zick, Religion and Prejudice in Europe: New Empirical Findings (Alliance Publishing Trust, 2010), which can be found at:

http://www.alliancemagazine.org/books/religionandprejudice.pdf

Whereas, for Europe as a whole, the researchers discovered that ‘the more religious individuals are, the more prejudiced they are’, the pattern in Britain was more complex.

For Britons greater religiosity was most associated with sexism and homophobia, and – to a lesser extent – with racism and anti-immigrant views. In the cases of anti-Semitism and Islamophobia, the very religious were the least prejudiced of the four religiosity groups but the quite religious were the most prejudiced.

Overall, 5% of Britons described themselves as very religious, 29% as quite religious, 27% as not very religious, and 38% as not at all religious. A YouGov poll of 5,000 plus respondents for The Sun last month revealed that 27% saw themselves as religious and 71% not.

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Census Day

The census manages to evoke contrary responses: it’s either a bit of a joke or a threat to civil liberty. I’ll address the objections in a moment, but let’s start with the jolly part.

Religion makes an important contribution to census-related humour. Who can mention the subject without bringing up the 390,000 Jedi Knights enumerated in England and Wales in 2001? Not The Guardian:

http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/mar/10/census-2011-do-we-need-it

The columnist Lucy Mangan wrestles with the problem of counting bedrooms, though she also notes that “The question about religion is voluntary, but precipitates an avalanche of self-interrogation nevertheless.”

http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/2011/mar/19/lucy-mangan-uk-census-politics

And the ‘alternative census’ available on the Guardian’s website offers some non-standard answers to the religion question:

What is your religion?
   Facebook
   Twitter
   The Wire
   Professor Brian Cox

We are gratified to see that, at the time of posting, our Manchester colleague Brian Cox is running neck-and-neck with Facebook (at about 34% each). To see whether Brian has pulled into the lead, you’ll have to complete the form:

http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/poll/2011/mar/25/alternative-census-2011-poll

And now to the objections. Will your details be left on a train? The Office for National Statistics goes to extraordinary lengths to safeguard confidentiality. The claims  – for example by the NO2ID campaign  – that data identifying individuals can legally be released to analysts in this country or any other are based on a misunderstanding of the relevant legislation. The EU directive being cited by objectors sets minimum standards; it allows but does not require data sharing. The law in this country mandates high levels of protection for census data.

The information collected is far less sensitive than that routinely stored on us by GPs, the Inland Revenue, banks, employers, telephone companies, credit card companies, and so on. There are richer pickings elsewhere for security services; cracking the census vault to learn whether we have central heating is an unlikely use of resources. The Muslim Council of Britain has urged Muslim households to complete their forms. If Muslims, who have more reason than most to be paranoid, are keen to be included, why not the rest of us?

Credit details, medical records and so on are inherently sensitive because they are linked to you specifically. The census isn’t like that; no records on named individuals are used. We don’t want to know the religion or non-religion or Mr Smith or Ms Patel; we’d just like to know how many people in each local area have which characteristics and need which services.

For these purposes, the sad truth is that no one cares who you are. Names and addresses are stripped off as soon as the data are processed. Some of our colleagues in the Cathie Marsh Centre for Census and Survey Research spend their working lives ensuring that no identifying information is released, and it is understandably frustrating to them when objectors act like American ‘Tea Party’ activists who think that the government is conspiring against them.

If this census is the last, it will have to be replaced by something. The government has talked vaguely about linking public and commercial datasets. Leaving aside the feasibility of such an exercise, it would pose far greater risks to confidentiality than the tightly controlled census of population. Anti-census agitation seems misguided.

The census helps to guide the allocation of billions of pounds of our money. Recording your existence is a minimal form of social responsibility. Avoiding it has real consequences: public services in some areas suffered because of undercounts in 2001.

Apologies for the sermon – can Brian Cox absolve me?

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Catholics in Scottish Prisons

Roman Catholics continue to be overrepresented in Scotland’s prison population, but the situation appears to be improving slowly. Catholics accounted for 28% of Scottish prisoners in 2001, 24% in 2006 and 23% in 2008-09, whereas they constituted 16% of all Scots at the 2001 census.

This is one key finding of newly-published desk-based research commissioned by the Public Petitions Committee of the Scottish Parliament and undertaken by Dr Susan Wiltshire, who lectures in crime and criminal justice at the University of Glasgow.

Her study follows long-standing concerns raised in the Scottish Parliament and Scottish media about the apparently excessive number of Catholic prisoners, and speculation about the possible reasons for this.

But the specific origins of the secondary analysis of existing research and statistics are to be found in Tom Minogue’s Open Petition PE1073 on the topic, which was lodged on 14 September 2007, and in follow-on investigations by the Scottish Parliament.  

Deep-rooted prejudice and discrimination against Catholics in Scotland and suspected sectarianism in the criminal justice system (especially at sentencing) have often been thought to lie at the root of the problem.

However, Wiltshire is inclined to downplay this causation and to locate the primary explanation in the strong relationships between socio-economic disadvantage and imprisonment and between Catholics and disadvantage, which can be documented from the 2001 census and other sources.

Age is also a factor. 40% of Scottish Catholics were under 30 at the census, significantly more than was the case with affiliates of other Christian denominations in Scotland.

Since almost half of prisoners are under 30, it can be seen that Catholics are disproportionately drawn from the age cohort most likely to be in prison.

Likewise, residence is part of the equation, not least in Glasgow, which records both above-average rates of imprisonment and of Catholics among the city’s residents.

‘In sum, the Catholic population is most embedded in the West of Scotland in areas of deprivation, where a large proportion of prisoners are likely to reside. It is also where most Section 74 (religious aggravator) offences have occurred.’

‘The question therefore should shift from asking why Catholics are disproportionately represented in Scottish jails to why so many Catholics continue to live in areas of deprivation in Scotland, particularly the West, and why they score worse on a range of social indicators. It seems clear that Catholics are disproportionately represented in Scottish jails because of the compelling relationship between deprivation and imprisonment.’

Wiltshire’s report can be read at:

http://www.parliament.scot/S3_PublicPetitionsCommittee/Submissions_07/Researchaspublished-24-12-10.pdf

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Census Snippets

Combined household and individual questionnaires for the 2011 population census have been dropping on doormats all week in preparation for the official enumeration date of Sunday, 27 March. They can be completed on paper or online.

This will be the twenty-first decennial census in Britain since 1801 (none was held in 1941, on account of the Second World War). It may also be the last in the present form, since Government is investigating cheaper and faster options for collecting data in future.

Anybody interested in learning more about the history of the census in Britain may like to view a current exhibition at The British Library’s Folio Society Gallery. Entitled Census and Society: Why Everyone Counts, it runs until 29 May.

As in 2001, when it was first introduced, this year’s census will include a voluntary question on religious affiliation. Prior to that, the only other official census of religion in mainland Britain in modern times had been of church accommodation and attendance, in 1851.

The question in England and Wales (individual question 20) in 2011 reads: ‘What is your religion?’ The options given are: no religion, Christian, Buddhist, Hindu, Jewish, Muslim, Sikh, and any other religion (write in).

Anybody wishing to specify that they are agnostic, atheist or humanist is asked to select the ‘any other religion’ category and to elaborate in the space provided.

Any Christian wishing to identify that they belong to a particular denomination is also advised to tick ‘any other religion’ and to write in their denomination.

The question in Scotland (individual question 13) reads: ‘What religion, religious denomination or body do you belong to?’ The options given are: none, Church of Scotland, Roman Catholic, other Christian (write in), Muslim, Buddhist, Sikh, Jewish, Hindu, and another religion (write in).

Nationwide advice is provided by Government to those worried that their child is too young to identify with a particular religion. This is either to select ‘no religion’ or to leave the question blank.

There has been a certain amount of controversy and advocacy surrounding the religion question, and the primary purpose of this post is to provide a selective round-up of some of the stories which have been in the news.

We have already reported – http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=678 – that the British Humanist Association (BHA) launched a campaign on 27 October last to persuade the non-religious to register as such in the census.

The BHA has been concerned that the somewhat leading wording of the census question, coupled with a lingering habit of using religion as a cultural identifier, resulted in inflating the numbers of genuinely religious people in 2001.

The BHA’s initial strategy was to try and persuade the Office for National Statistics (ONS) to rephrase the question. Rebuffed in this attempt (although ONS did agree to offer guidance after the census on the ways in which data should and should not be used), the BHA shifted tactics.

The BHA has been using local leafleting, advertising and online communications with the somewhat tongue-in-cheek campaign slogan of: ‘If you’re not religious, for God’s sake say so’.

However, the BHA has recently been told that posters bearing this or similar slogans are likely to cause widespread and serious offence, to vociferous BHA protests of censorship and, implicitly, reintroduction of the (repealed) blasphemy laws by the back door.

Companies owning advertising space at railway stations have refused to display three different BHA census posters, following this advice to BHA from the Advertising Standards Authority’s Committee of Advertising Practice (CAP).

CAP obviously had at the back of its mind the complaints generated by a previous BHA poster campaign, in 2009, which asserted: ‘There is probably no god, now stop worrying and enjoy your life’.

CAP’s recommendation has likewise affected the BHA census posters being displayed on 200 buses in London and six other cities. They have had to be reworded to read: ‘Not religious? In this year’s census, say so.’

The Pagan Federation has also issued a press notice proclaiming that ‘Pagans are standing up to be counted and coming out of the broom closet for census day’. They are being encouraged to write in their affiliation (the Federation having not prevailed on ONS to include a specific box for Pagans).

The Federation is arguing that the 42,000 individuals who registered as Pagans in 2001 were ‘only the tip of the iceberg’, citing research by Professor Ronald Hutton indicating that there were actually around 250,000 Pagans in the country in that year.

The Foundation for Holistic Spirituality, based in Glastonbury, is pursuing a different line. It is urging people to write in ‘holistic’ at the census, as ‘shorthand for an openhearted, open-minded approach that includes all spiritual paths. It recognises that everything is connected and celebrates diversity.’ This represents ‘a third way beyond traditional faiths and secularism’.

Christian coverage of the census has partly been a response to the BHA’s activities. For instance, writing in the Church Times for 4 March, Paul Vallely, Associate Editor of The Independent, defended the status quo of the census approach in the face of the ‘fundamentalism’ of the ‘new atheists’.

The census, Vallely continued, allows people to define themselves religiously as they feel comfortable with. ‘Religious belief, behaviour, and identity are not necessarily connected’, he added.

In his Daily Telegraph blog for 27 February, George Pitcher also weighed in against the BHA and in defence of people’s right to self-identify as ‘cultural Christians’ and to rejoice in living in a ‘Christian country’.

‘It isn’t religious people who want to control the way that people think’, wrote Pitcher. ‘It looks to me like some secularists are growing ever more desperate to seize that control.’

In a press statement on 4 March, Theos, the public theology think tank, criticized the BHA’s census campaign as ‘misconceived and unnecessary’, while also paying tribute to BHA for doing ‘a good job of keeping religion in the news’ overall.

Theos argued that BHA’s census campaign ‘grossly exaggerates the extent to which the religious affiliation results of the 2001 census have shaped government policy or influenced spending decisions’.

Theos pointed out that ‘no religion’ is the first option in the census question and ‘this means that people have ample opportunity to deny religious affiliation should they wish to …’

‘If the Archbishop of Canterbury were to launch a campaign pleading for people to tick the Christian box, it would be rightly ridiculed as a sign of desperation’, Theos concluded.

The Theos statement provided the backbone for a lengthy article about the census in the Methodist Recorder for 10 March. This also quoted spokespersons for the Methodist Church as ‘welcoming’ the debate on the census question for providing ‘an opportunity to discuss the nature of faith and religion in contemporary society’, especially beyond the context of conventional Sunday worship (such as through Fresh Expressions).

Otherwise, comment on the census in the Christian media has been limited, although the Church of England Newspaper for 25 February included an article headlined ‘religious question to feature in the census’. By way of introduction, it jocularly reminded the readership that ‘King David was famously punished for counting the people of Israel …’

Meanwhile, the Roman Catholic weekly The Universe for 6 March majored on the hopes of the Federation of Irish Societies that Catholic churches would actively engage with its campaign to get Irish people resident in Britain to register as ethnic Irish at the census. In 2001, 10% of first-generation and 91% of second-generation Irish failed to do so.

The Muslim Council of Britain, which was very supportive of the inclusion of a religion question in 2001, has so far not issued a press release on the 2011 census. An article in the Muslim Weekly for 25 February focused on the need for Pakistani business owners to ensure that their employees knew the postcode of their place of work in order to complete the census form.

The main preoccupation of the Sikh community has been to get ONS to agree to include Sikh as an explicit ethnic as well as religious category (and to do the same for Jews). They have not succeeded in doing so, despite the threat last year of legal action by the Sikh Channel and Sikh Federation against ONS.

The Network of Buddhist Organisations is running a ‘Tick the Box for Buddhism’ campaign in connection with the census. This has a Facebook presence and is advertising in Big Issue.

The Network would actually prefer there to be no religion question in the census, on account of its methodological imperfections. However, given its inclusion, and the influence it is likely to have on Government policy, the Network wants to see ‘more accurate figures for Buddhism’ than it feels were achieved in 2001.

The Board of Deputies of British Jews is encouraging all members of the Jewish community to identify themselves as such in the census. It has created a special census webpage and email box and issued a full set of online frequently asked questions (FAQs).

One of the more interesting is: ‘I’m not religious – should I still tick the “Jewish” box?’ The answer given is: ‘It doesn’t matter whether you are religious or not – if you consider yourself to be Jewish, you should tick the “Jewish” box. If you really don’t feel comfortable doing that, you can still specify “Jewish” for your ethnic group. There is no “Jewish” tick box, so you will need to write it on the form, but it will still be counted.’

In an article in the Jewish Chronicle for 25 February, David Graham, Director of Social and Demographic Research at the Institute for Jewish Policy Research, spelled out various policy and practical reasons why Jews should self-identify at the census.

A separate report in the same issue highlighted the efforts of leaders of Orthodox Jewry to ensure their movement participated more fully in the census, following the apparent undercount of the Charedi population in 2001.

This is attributed in part to the fact that Charedis tend to have large families, and that the standard household schedule only has space to accommodate details of six persons, necessitating them to ask for an additional form.

Another potential cause of Jewish underenumeration is flagged up in the Church of England Newspaper for 11 March: ‘there are signs that some Jews are reluctant to identify their faith on the census form in case details are leaked to anti-Semitic groups’.

One of the more surprising (and misleading) outcomes of the 2001 census was the success of the internet campaign beforehand to get people to register as Jedi Knights of Star Wars fame.

Some 390,000 individuals did so, making the Jedis the fifth largest religious body in the country (counting those with no religion as a body). There is a Facebook group to Put Jedi as your Religion in the UK 2011 Census.

The Sunday Times of 27 February reported some support to get ‘Dudeism’ recognized as a religion (named after the character The Dude, played by Jeff Bridges, from the 1998 comedy film The Big Lebowski).

There is a Facebook group called Dudeism for the 2011 Census, dedicated to the Church of the Latter-Day Dude. Another Facebook group is Heavy Metal for the 2011 Census, which has some 35,000 members, all determined to put heavy metal on Britain’s religious map.

Those of us with an objective interest in religious data will naturally hope that the integrity of the 2011 census will not be compromised unduly by too many ‘jokey’ endeavours.

To counteract the tendency, ONS has been utilizing social media, including Facebook, and YouTube, the video site, to make young people aware of the importance of filling out the census forms sensibly.

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