Media Portrayal of Groups

The ways in which the media portray groups has been in the news again recently, following the suspension by All3Media of Brian True-May, the producer of Midsomer Murders on ITV, for remarks he made in a Radio Times interview.

True-May referred to the programme series, which has an all-white cast, as ‘the last bastion of Englishness’ and argued that part of its appeal was the absence of ethnic minorities from the story-lines. He added that he wanted to keep it that way.

True-May’s suspension created a backlash about political correctness in some sections of the media. He was subsequently reinstated following an apology but is apparently stepping down from the programme at the end of its current run.

The Sun took the opportunity presented by the row to commission YouGov to undertake an online poll of 2,666 Britons aged 18 and over to ask, more generally, whether different groups were normally fairly or unfairly portrayed in the media. Fieldwork took place on 15 and 16 March, and the data tables are available at:

http://today.yougov.co.uk/sites/today.yougov.co.uk/files/yg-archives-pol-sun-mediarep-160311.pdf

Christians and Muslims were two of the groups on the list of seventeen, although (strangely) ethnic minorities were not a separate category.

39% of adults said that Christians were portrayed fairly, 12% unfairly positively, 27% unfairly negatively, with 22% unsure. Those thinking them depicted unfairly negatively were disproportionately found among Conservative voters (37%) and the over-60s (35%). The 18-24s had the highest proportion considering them to be portrayed unfairly positively (18%).

30% of respondents believed that Muslims were portrayed fairly in the media, 15% unfairly positively, 34% unfairly negatively, with 20% uncertain. Liberal Democrats (50%), Scots (49%) and the 18-24s (45%) were most likely to say that Muslims received unfairly negative coverage.

YouGov calculated a net score for each group, by subtracting the unfairly negative figure from the unfairly positive. On this basis, Christians and Muslims were not far apart, -15 and -19 respectively.

Interestingly, only three of the seventeen groups scraped in with positive scores: businessmen (+6), bankers (+2), and Conservative supporters (0).

Minus scores which were better than for both Christians and Muslims were recorded by Labour supporters (-3), middle class people (-3), people from the USA (-5), women (-5), gays/lesbians/bisexuals (-5), disabled people (-13), and transsexuals (-14).

Immigrants (-17) fared worse than Christians but better than Muslims. Gypsies and travellers scored the same as Muslims. Three groups were lower than Christians and Muslims: the elderly (-21), working class people (-23), and the young (-36).

An alternative ranking of the groups according to the number thinking they were fairly portrayed in the media had a high of 53% for women and a low of 26% for transsexuals. Christians came ninth equal and Muslims fourteenth on this ordering.

If these results are taken as some kind of proxy measure of religious discrimination, then clearly there is some, albeit age prejudice on the part of the media is seen to be an even more serious problem.

There have been a fair number of content-based analyses of religion in the media over recent years. Some have been generic, such as Kim Knott’s longitudinal study of newspaper and television representations. Others have focused particularly on Muslims in the media, including the work of Elizabeth Poole and John Richardson.

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Israel-Palestine Conflict

Public perceptions of the religious dimensions of the Israel-Palestine conflict are illuminated in a six-nation ICM poll released on 13 March and undertaken on behalf of the Al Jazeera Centre for Studies (established in 2006), the Middle East Monitor (MEMO, founded in 2009) and the European Muslim Research Centre (EMRC), launched in 2010 at the University of Exeter.

Fieldwork was conducted online on 19-25 January 2011 among a representative sample of 7,045 adults aged 18 and over in Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy, The Netherlands and Spain. There were 2,031 British respondents.

The survey posed ten questions relating to the Israel-Palestine situation, several of them sub-divided, and only those touching overtly on religion are highlighted here. Broader findings can be found in the three major published research outputs from the poll:

the 41 pages of national data tables at:

http://www.icmresearch.co.uk/pdfs/2011_march_memo_israelpalestine_poll.pdf

the 44-page ICM report and analysis at:

http://www.middleeastmonitor.org.uk/downloads/other_reports/public-perceptions-of-the-palestine-israel-conflict-FINAL-REPORT-icm.pdf

the 50-page MEMO report and analysis at:

http://www.middleeastmonitor.org.uk/downloads/reports/european-public-perceptions-of-the-israel-palestine-conflict-memo.pdf

Additionally, through the kindness of ICM, BRIN has been given access to the unpublished data tables for Great Britain, giving breaks by gender, age, working status, housing tenure, education level, ethnicity and region.

Asked which three or four things came into mind on hearing the words ‘Israeli-Palestinian conflict’, 47% of the weighted sample of Europeans cited religious conflict, ranging from 34% in The Netherlands to 51% in France. The British figure was 46%.

Answering the same question, 24% of Europeans mentioned Islamic organizations, with a low of 20% in Britain (but 27% among the over-55s) and a high of 30% in The Netherlands. 17% of Europeans referred to Muslims/Arabs, including 15% of Britons (rising to 21% in the North-West, Yorkshire and the Humber and the East Midlands).

65% of Europeans agreed that Israel is a country where there is oppression and domination by one religious group over another. The proportion was highest in Spain (72%) and stood at 57% in Britain, but reached 63% among men and ethnic minorities and 66% for those with a university degree or equivalent. Only 9% of Britons and 13% of Europeans said that all religious groups were treated the same in Israel, the remainder giving other replies.

17% of Europeans and 23% of Britons (the largest proportion of all six countries, and increasing to 30% for the over-55s) agreed that European citizens who are Jewish should be allowed to serve in the Israeli army. 34% and 20% respectively disagreed, with 22% and 29% uncertain.

12% of Europeans and 6% of Britons agreed that being critical of Israel makes a person anti-Semitic. 50% and 52% respectively disagreed, with 17% and 25% undecided. Agreement was highest in Germany (19%). In Britain disagreement reached 59% with men, the over-55s and Londoners and 61% among the university-educated.

36% of Europeans and 28% of Britons agreed that the Israel-Palestine conflict fuels anti-Semitism in Europe. 21% and 20% respectively disagreed, with 18% and 28% don’t knows. Agreement was highest in France (46%). In Britain peak agreement was registered by those owning their homes outright and graduates (32% each), the over-55s (33%), residents of the North-West (34%) and the Welsh (35%).

39% of Europeans and 32% of Britons agreed that the Israel-Palestine conflict fuels Islamophobia in Europe. 20% and 19% respectively disagreed, with 16% and 26% uncertain. Agreement was highest in Italy (45%). In Britain agreement peaked among the 18-24s, graduates and Londoners (36% each), ethnic minorities (38%), residents of the South-West (39%) and students (41%).

48% of Europeans and 40% of Britons agreed that Israel exploits the history of the sufferings of the Jewish people to generate public support. Just 13% and 11% respectively disagreed, with 17% and 27% don’t knows. Agreement was especially high in Germany (53%) and Spain (54%). In Britain 51% of the over-55s and 48% of men were critical of Israel for being exploitative in this regard.

Three brief comments on the overall British data (including questions not considered here) may be ventured.

First, a relatively high proportion of Britons (one-quarter or more) express no clear views on the Israel-Palestine conflict. To a limited extent, this may indicate a position of benign neutrality, but more typically it is likely to reflect a lack of familiarity with the issues. The politics of the Middle East are not necessarily followed closely by everybody.

Second, there is significant criticism of Israel, both for the way it functions as a state and for the actions it has taken on the Palestinian question. This contrasts markedly with the 1950s and 1960s when Israel was widely accorded ‘underdog’ status in Britain. Now it is often seen as oppressor. The trend data can be studied in Clive Field, ‘John Bull’s Judeophobia: Images of the Jews in British Public Opinion Polls since the late 1930s’, Jahrbuch für Antisemitismusforschung, Vol. 15, 2006, pp. 259-300.

Third, much of this antipathy to Israel is probably rooted, not simply in increasing sympathy for the plight of the Palestinians, but in concerns that Israel’s role in the Middle East is exacerbating religious tensions in Britain and Europe. This is true both of anti-Semitism and Islamophobia, given that preoccupation with Israel-Palestine has been a major factor in giving British Muslims a public profile and voice. International relations are, therefore, frequently being viewed through a British domestic lens.

The overall tenor of the findings, and of the textual reports which analyse and interpret them, seems likely to create some controversy. Doubtless, there will be negative reactions from Israeli and some Jewish quarters in due course. Whether this survey sparks quite so much outrage as the 2003 European Commission poll, which identified Israel as the greatest threat to world peace, is more doubtful.

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Census Question Under Fire

There are just six days to go before UK residents have to complete the household and individual questionnaire for the decennial population census.

But humanists are still simultaneously maintaining their attack on the voluntary question on religion while paradoxically encouraging people to answer it, ideally (from the humanist perspective) by registering as of no religion.

In a press release on 20 March the British Humanist Association (BHA) described the census question as ‘highly misleading’ and ‘fatally flawed for its intended purpose of planning public services’. The BHA’s evidence for this claim comes from new opinion polls conducted online by YouGov in England and Wales and in Scotland.

The English and Welsh survey, commissioned by the BHA, was undertaken on 9-11 March 2011 among a representative sample of 1,896 adults aged 18 and over. The Scottish poll was sponsored by the Humanist Society of Scotland and conducted on 10-14 January 2011 among 2,007 adults.

In England and Wales, when asked the census question ‘What is your religion?’, 61% ticked a religious box and 39% declared themselves to be of no religion. However, when asked ‘Are you religious?’, just 29% said ‘yes’ and 65% ‘no’, ‘meaning over half of those whom the census would count as having a religion said they were not religious’.

Responses varied somewhat according to demographics, most notably by age. Whereas 56% of 18-24s had no religion, the proportion fell steadily throughout the age cohorts, to stand at 25% among the over-55s. Similarly, while 70-73% of the three under-45 cohorts stated that they were not religious, this was the case with 68% of those aged 45-54 and 56% of the over-55s.

Marital status also appeared to make a difference, although this pattern doubtless conceals an age-related effect. The number professing no religion was highest among the never married (53%) and those living as married (52%). It was substantially lower among those who were currently married or in a civil partnership (31%) or had formerly been, 27% among the separated or divorced and 25% with the widowed.

The 53% of the English and Welsh sample who professed to be Christian were additionally asked: ‘Do you believe that Jesus Christ was a real person who died and came back to life and was the son of God?’ Fewer than half (48%) said that they did so believe, with 27% disbelieving and 25% unsure, BHA’s unspoken point presumably being that many so-called Christians have rather a shallow or unconventional faith.

It is also a generally inactive faith, in terms of attendance at a place of worship for religious reasons. Only 15% of the entire sample claimed to have been within the past month, with a further 16% going within the past year, 43% more than a year ago and 20% never. The never category was largest among the 18-24s (28%), with 32% for full-time students.

In Scotland, one-half of the sample was asked the Scottish census question: ‘What religion, religious denomination or body do you belong to?’ In reply, 56% of Scots professed some affiliation (with write-in responses available) and 42% none.

The other Scottish half-sample was initially asked: ‘Are you religious?’ 35% said that they were and 56% that they were not, with 8% uncertain. Those who answered that they were religious or who did not know were then asked: ‘Which religion do you belong to?’ At this point, 22% said that they did not belong to any organized religion.

The BHA press release and links to the data tables for both England and Wales and Scotland will be found at:

http://www.humanism.org.uk/news/view/771

These statistics serve to illustrate what is already generally well-known, that surveys on religious (and – indeed – all other) topics are inevitably informed or perhaps even shaped by question-wording.

The Office for National Statistics, which is overseeing the census, is fully aware of the sensitivities and ambiguities of investigating religion. It has gone to some considerable lengths to research and trial the merits of alternative wordings during its census preparations.

For fuller information about these deliberations and experimentation, see the October 2009 ONS report on Final Recommended Questions for the 2011 Census in England and Wales: Religion, which is available on the ONS website.

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Home Shrines

The existence of religious shrines in British domestic households is largely uncharted territory, certainly in any statistical sense, so it is good to be able to draw BRIN readers’ attention to some initial data on the topic from the current issue of Journal of Beliefs & Values (Vol. 31, No. 3, December 2010, pp. 353-7).

The research report, written by Phra Nicholas Thanissaro of the Warwick Religions and Education Research Unit, is entitled ‘Home Shrines in Britain and Associated Spiritual Values’. Such shrines can be anything from a raised cabinet or shelf housing religious artefacts to an entire room.

A question about the presence of a home shrine was included in a much wider survey of the religious attitudes and practices of a multi-faith sample of 369 pupils aged 13-15 attending three London schools.

237 were boys and 132 girls. 150 were whites and 209 of other ethnicities. 149 were Christians, 98 of other religions and 120 of no religion. Fieldwork was undertaken, by self-completion questionnaire, in January-February 2010.

11% of the whole sample reported having a home shrine. Indians were the ethnic group with most shrines (50%), followed by any other Asians (ie not Bangladeshi, Indian or Pakistani) on 46%, Chinese on 28% and Bangladeshis on 14%. Then came black Africans (9%), black Caribbeans and mixed race (8% each), with whites on 2%. No Asian Pakistani had a shrine at home.

By religion, Buddhists and Hindus topped the list, with 50% of their households having a shrine. For Jews the figure was 33%, for Sikhs 20%, for Christians 9%, and for Muslims 6%. 4% of those professing no religion had a shrine at home.

Answers to 91 five-point Likert scale attitude questions on religious education and values were correlated with the existence of a shrine at home. For 82 of these having a home shrine made no significant difference.

However, having a shrine was found to correlate significantly with eight of the remaining ‘spiritual’ attitudes, such as agreement with filial piety, the Eightfold Path, subjectivity of happiness, meditation, Sikh festivals, reincarnation and opening Gurdwaras to all.

Thanissaro concludes by recommending that teachers and social services should become more aware of the importance of shrines to many religious communities and recognise their potential as a spiritual asset and manifestation of religion outside places of worship.

Clearly, more research is needed in this area, on the basis of not merely a much larger sample, but one which includes adults (since decisions about whether to have a home shrine are presumably driven by parents rather than their children).

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Religion, Youth and Sexuality

‘Sex and religion are generally considered uncomfortable bedfellows.’ So begins a new 24-page report which offers fascinating insights into the diversity of interactions between religion and sexuality among the young.

Authored by Andrew Kam-Tuck Yip (University of Nottingham), Michael Keenan (Nottingham Trent University) and Sarah-Jane Page (Durham University), the document can be downloaded from:

http://www.nottingham.ac.uk/sociology/pdfs/rys-research-report.pdf

Entitled Religion, Youth and Sexuality: Selected Key Findings from a Multi-Faith Exploration, it represents the first published output from a 26-month project funded by the Religion and Society Programme of the Arts and Humanities Research Council and the Economic and Social Research Council between January 2009 and February 2011.

A full-length book from the project, by the same authors, and provisionally entitled Religious and Sexual Journeys: A Multi-Faith Exploration of Young Believers, will follow from Ashgate next year.

The research was undertaken among 693 young people aged 18-25 living in the UK and who were Buddhists, Christians (the majority, 57%), Hindus, Jews, Muslims or Sikhs and of varying sexualities. 82% were British citizens. 65% were white. 72% were students. 66% were women. 66% were single.

Information was gathered in three stages. All 693 participants completed an online questionnaire between May 2009 and June 2010. Some were then selected for further investigation in stages 2 and 3. These involved, respectively, face-to-face interviews with 61 participants between November 2009 and June 2010; and video diaries recorded by 24 participants over seven days between February and November 2010.

The report contains both quantitative and qualitative data. In considering the former, however, BRIN users should bear in mind that, for reasons which are not fully explained in the report (but which must doubtless include cost and the sensitive nature of the subject matter), it was not possible to select respondents according to recognized random or quota sampling methods.

Therefore, it remains an open question just how statistically representative the findings may be. From this perspective, it is worth quoting in full the section of the report which describes methodology:

‘The participants were recruited in diverse ways. Primarily, the research team sent publicity posters, postcards and e-mails to a wide variety of groups such as those working with religious young adults, sexual health organisations, support groups for sexual minorities, cultural associations and university religious and non-religious student groups.’

‘The team also used various personal networks and asked participants to refer others to the project. A website and a Facebook page were also established to publicise the project. Further, advertisements were placed in printed and online media.’

That said, here is a selection of numerical headlines from the report:

RELIGION

  • 78% felt their faith made them a better person
  • 42% said their faith was the greatest influence over how they lived their life
  • 70% said they made decisions in their everyday life with reference to their religion
  • 67% did not believe that being religious made their everyday life more difficult
  • 74% considered religion gave them a connection to their community
  • 48% regarded themselves as religious liberals and 25% as conservatives
  • 65% were involved in a religious community
  • 57% attended a religious service at least once a week
  • 55% reported the majority of their friends were religious
  • 65% agreed religion was a force for good in the world
  • 69% agreed their religion is negatively portrayed in the media
  • 69% (75% of Christians) considered religious people are stigmatized in Britain
  • 40% had hidden their religious identity from others
  • 63% agreed their religion emphasized equality of the sexes
  • 73% (56% of Muslims) disagreed that religious authority figures should be male

SEXUALITY

  • 70% agreed their religious faith shaped their sexual attitudes
  • 63% agreed their religious faith shaped their sexual practices
  • 74% defined themselves as heterosexual, 10% as homosexual and 8% as bisexual
  • 43% were sexually active, ranging from 77% for Buddhists to 20% for Muslims
  • 65% agreed consenting adults should be free to express their sexuality as they wish
  • 58% agreed casual sex is detrimental to personal well-being
  • 30% regarded celibacy as fulfilling to sexual health
  • 58% agreed that ideally sex should only occur within marriage, but …
  • 57% thought sex could be fulfilling outside marriage, if in a loving context
  • 83% agreed monogamy should be the ideal for a partnered relationship, but …
  • 35% felt that, while ideal, monogamy in a partnered relationship is difficult to achieve
  • 58% said heterosexuality and homosexuality should be treated on equal terms, but …
  • 52% regarded heterosexuality as the ideal
  • 55% (76% of Buddhists, 22% of Sikhs) agreed their religion was positive towards sexuality
  • 56% thought their religion opposed any sexuality other than heterosexuality
  • 51% agreed their religious leaders were knowledgeable about sexuality
  • 76% agreed there is too much focus on sex in the media
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Poppy-Burning

82% of the public support the prosecution of Emdadur Choudhury, the Muslims against Crusades (MAC) protestor who was this week convicted at Woolwich Crown Court of a public order offence for his ‘calculated and deliberate’ insult to Britain’s war dead by burning two large plastic poppies near the Royal Albert Hall on 11 November 2010.

That is the finding of a YouGov poll conducted online on 8 and 9 March among a representative sample of 2,436 British adults aged 18 and over. The data table is available at:

http://today.yougov.co.uk/sites/today.yougov.co.uk/files/YG-Archives-YG-PoppyBurning-090311.pdf

The proportion in favour of Choudhury’s prosecution peaked at 90% among Conservative voters and 91% of the over-60s. Critics of the prosecution averaged 10% but stood at 14% for Liberal Democrats and 13% for Londoners. 9% expressed no opinion.

YouGov did not ask any questions about the size of the fine imposed on Choudhury, just £50, nor about his apparent lack of remorse for the incident, both matters which have been the subject of negative coverage in the media. Another member of MAC, Mohammad Haque, was acquitted over his part in the same demonstration.

Thinking about protests more generally, 67% of YouGov’s sample said that it was unacceptable for extremists to make offensive or provocative protests that risk inflaming racial and religious tensions, and that it was appropriate for them to be prosecuted. 25% upheld the right to peaceful protest even if the views were extreme and liable to offend.

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Lent

It will be Ash Wednesday on 9 March, the first day of Lent in the Christian calendar, the forty-day period of fasting and penance leading up to Easter, and replicating Jesus Christ’s sacrifice and withdrawal into the desert prior to his crucifixion.

The official observance of Lent has been somewhat relaxed by the Christian Churches during the later twentieth century, but the popular tradition of giving something up for Lent is apparently far from extinguished.

This rather surprising resilience of Lenten abstinence is seemingly confirmed in a newly-released YouGov poll, conducted online between 25 and 28 February 2011 among 2,055 Britons aged 18 and over. The data tables will be found at:

http://today.yougov.co.uk/sites/today.yougov.co.uk/files/YG-Archives-Pol-YouGov-Pancakes-070311_1.pdf

Although 73% of respondents were not planning to give anything up for Lent this year, the inference is that the other 27% intended to forego something.

Abstainers were particularly likely to be found among adults with children in the household (32%), residents of the Midlands (32%), women (31%), and Londoners (31%).

Least abstemious were the Scots, only 21% of whom were going to give something up, followed by the Welsh (23%), men (24%), and the over-55s (24%).

YouGov provided no breakdown by religious affiliation, but a survey of professing Roman Catholics by nfp Synergy in 2008 revealed that 31% had given up something for Lent.

Comparative statistics (chronologically) are not easy to come by. However, an abstinence rate of 27% is certainly high in relation to previous Gallup studies: 12% in 1939, 8% in 1993 and 9% in 1996.

A survey for Abbey National in 2002 suggested that one-third expected to forsake a treat during Lent, but the sample was small (only 200 people) and confined to adults aged 18-50.

Were YouGov’s respondents simply being over ‘optimistic’ about their intentions?

Were they drawn into exaggeration by the wording of the question, which some might regard as ‘leading’?

Were they confusing Lenten sacrifice with the personal austerity and belt-tightening now necessary because of the poor state of the economy and public expenditure cuts?

Or is there a genuine revival of Lenten observance, even though most other religious indicators are moving downwards or, occasionally, stabilizing?

Another equally curious and unexpected discovery comes from a survey by Somerfield in 2007 in which 70% of adults chose, from a preset list of options, the answer that Lent commemorated the time which Jesus spent in the wilderness.

Chocolate topped YouGov’s list of proposed sacrifices in 2011 (8%). Then came junk food (7%), sweets (6%), alcohol (6%), smoking (3%), fizzy drinks (3%), swearing (3%), coffee (2%), sugar (2%), tea (1%), all caffeine (1%), and meat (1%). Multiple answers were evidently possible.

Few of these choices reached double figures. 10% of Londoners and adults with children in the household aspired to give up junk food for Lent, but otherwise all the highs were for chocolate, mentioned by 12% of Midlanders, 11% of women, and 10% of those aged 25-34.

Chocolates and sweets topped the list of Lenten sacrifices in the earlier Gallup polls. Meat was a significant forfeit in 1939, but is much less so now.

Ash Wednesday is preceded by Shrove Tuesday, traditionally Pancake Day. 49% of YouGov’s interviewees expected to eat pancakes on that day, and a further 32% said that they might do so.

Pancake refuseniks numbered 19%, including 2% who claimed never to eat pancakes. The proportion was highest among Scots (31%) and then among men and Londoners (25% each).

Of those definitely planning to tuck into pancakes, most were going to indulge on a grand scale. Just 3% thought they would be content with one pancake. 31% had two pancakes in mind, 31% three, 24% four or five, and 9% six or more.

Lemon and sugar was the favourite pancake topping or filling for 65%, followed by maple syrup (27%). 64% preferred sweet pancakes to savoury ones, 10% liked savoury better, and 21% enjoyed both types.

Chapter 16 in Ronald Hutton’s The Stations of the Sun (Oxford University Press, 1996) summarizes the social history of Lent in Britain. The only study of the limited survey evidence is Clive Field, ‘Who’s for Lent?’, Quadrant, March 1998, pp. 2-3.

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The Galliano Affair

Some nasty commercial consequences may be in store for Christian Dior, the iconic fashion, fragrance and jewellery brand, despite its prompt sacking last week of John Galliano, its head fashion designer since 1997, who has recently been exposed as shouting anti-Semitic abuse in a Paris bar and saying ‘I love Hitler’.

15% of British adults who normally buy Dior products say that they intend to boycott them in the light of the controversy over Galliano’s comments, according to a YouGov survey for today’s The Sunday Times. Fieldwork was conducted online on 3-4 March among a sample of 2,413 Britons aged 18 and over. The data tables will be found at:

http://today.yougov.co.uk/sites/today.yougov.co.uk/files/YG-Archives-Pol-ST-results-04-060311.pdf

80% of respondents do not normally purchase Dior merchandise. Of the 20% who do, 3% have been so offended by Galliano’s anti-Semitism that they are inclined to boycott Dior in future, while 12% will not do so and 5% do not know what they will do.

The number of potential boycotters rises to 6% in London and Scotland, equivalent to 23% and 29% respectively of Dior customers there, but otherwise there are no great variations by demographic sub-groups.

The potential commercial fallout might have been even greater were it not for the fact that 52% of Britons regard this as a one-off incident, down to a single designer with personal problems and which does not reflect a more generic issue of racism in the high fashion industry.

However, although just 16% think there is more widespread racism in the industry, far more are inclined to accuse it of other difficulties. 45% consider that dysfunctional and immoral behaviour is endemic throughout the industry, whereas 34% prefer to lay the blame at the door of a few eccentric figures.

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Searchlight on Religion

A major new source of public opinion data on religion and inter-faith relations has just become available in the form of a Populus poll for Searchlight Educational Trust.

The survey is of unusual importance in terms of the number of questions asked and the large size of the sample (5,054 adults aged 18 and over interviewed online in England on 28-31 January 2011).

The Trust is a registered charity formed in 1992 that works with communities to build responses to racism and hatred, dispel myths and develop greater understanding. It has just established the Together project to explore and tackle the rise of right-wing nationalism and extremism in Britain and Western Europe.

Only a small proportion of the poll’s statistics have been included in Searchlight’s Fear & HOPE report, based on the survey, which concluded that ‘there is not a progressive majority in society and … that there is a deep resentment to immigration, as well as scepticism towards multiculturalism.’

‘There is a widespread fear of the “Other”, particularly Muslims, and there is an appetite for a new right-wing political party that has none of the fascist trappings of the British National Party or the violence of the English Defence League. With a clear correlation between economic pessimism and negative views to immigration, the situation is likely to get worse over the next few years.’

At the same time, ‘there are also many positive findings from the report. Young people are more hopeful about the future and more open to living in an ethnically diverse society. The vast majority … reject political violence and view white anti-Muslim extremists as bad as Muslim extremists and there is overwhelming support for a positive campaign against extremism.’

The document is available, in a somewhat curious format, at:

http://www.fearandhope.org.uk/project-report/

For this post BRIN has ignored the report and drawn upon, but cannot claim to have summarized adequately, the 128 computer tables extending to 395 pages. These provide topline responses, the only ones used here, together with disaggregations by gender, age, socio-economic group, region, employment sector, ethnicity, religion, and a sixfold segmentation by identity ‘tribes’. These tables can be accessed at:

http://populuslimited.com/uploads/download_pdf-310111-Searchlight-Fear-and-Hope-survey.pdf

Two clusters of questions are briefly considered here, those which sought to enumerate the nation’s general verdict on and participation in religion, and those which assessed attitudes to and engagement with people from the various faith traditions in Britain.

RELIGION IN GENERAL

35% of adults professed no religious affiliation, while 54% were Christians and 7% non-Christians (table 7).

23% said that religion was important to them, with 55% disagreeing and 22% neutral (table 76).

Just 7% said religion was the most important element in their personal identity. This compared with 35% for nationality, 24% for country of birth, 16% for the city, town or village in which they lived, 7% for ethnicity, 6% for their immediate neighbourhood, and 5% for the country of residence, where different from that of birth (table 32). Religion was the second most important influence on identity for 8% (table 33) and the third most important for 10% (table 34).

55% never attended a place of worship in their local community. 8% claimed to go at least once a week, 5% at least once a fortnight, 6% at least once a month, and 26% less than once a month (table 63).

Only 23% thought that, by and large, religion is a force for good in the UK. 42% disagreed and 35% expressed no opinion (table 77).

68% agreed that religion should not influence laws and policies in Britain, with 16% disagreeing and 16% neutral (table 75).

On a scale of 1 (= do not trust at all) to 5 (= trust fully), the mean respect score for local religious leaders was 2.95. This was lower than for the respondent’s general practitioner (3.98), the local headteacher (3.44), women’s institute (3.43), the local scout/girl guide leader (3.41), the local branch of service organizations (3.31), and leaders of local clubs (3.15).

But it was higher than for the local chamber of commerce (2.81), a local trade union (2.72), the local mayor (2.62), the local MP (2.58), local councillors (2.57), and the local council (2.54). See tables 38-51.

INTER-FAITH RELATIONS

62% considered religious abuse to be as serious as racial abuse, but 38% viewed the latter as more serious (table 115).

28% thought religious abuse to be more widespread in Britain than racial abuse. 72% said the reverse (table 116).

71% assessed religious abuse to be on the increase in Britain, 29% disagreeing (table 117). 64% said that racial abuse was growing (table 118).

60% believed that people should be able to say what they wanted about religion, however critical or offensive it might be. 40% thought there should be restrictions on what individuals could say about religion, and that they should be prosecuted if necessary (table 119). Significantly more, 58%, were in favour of limitations on freedom of speech when it came to race (table 120).

44% regarded Muslims as completely different to themselves in terms of habits, customs and values. Just 5% said the same about Christians, 19% about Jews, 28% about Hindus, and 29% about Sikhs (tables 78-83).

42% said that they interacted with Sikhs less than monthly or never, 39% with Jews, 36% with Hindus, 28% with Muslims, and 5% with Christians. There were a lot of don’t knows for this question (tables 84-89).

59% did not know any Sikhs well as friends and family members, work colleagues, children’s friends or neighbours. 55% said the same about Jews, 53% about Hindus, 41% about Muslims, and 8% about Christians (tables 90-95).

32% argued that Muslims created a lot of problems in the UK. Far fewer said this about other faith groups: 7% about Hindus, 6% about Sikhs, 5% about Christians, and 3% about Jews (tables 96-101).

49% contended that Muslims created a lot of problems in the world. Again, this was much less often said about other faith communities: 15% about Jews, 12% about Christians, 10% about Hindus, and 9% about Sikhs (tables 102-107).

25% viewed Islam as a dangerous religion which incites violence. 21% considered that violence or terrorism on the part of some Muslims is unsurprising given the actions of the West in the Muslim world and the hostility towards Muslims in Britain.

49% thought that such violence or terrorism was unsurprising on account of the activities and statements of a few Muslim extremists. 6% dismissed accusations of violence or terrorism by Muslims as something got up by the media (table 126).

On hearing reports of violent clashes between English nationalist extremists and Muslim extremists, 26% would sympathize with the former who were standing up for their country and 6% for the Muslims who were standing up for their faith. 68% would view both groups as bad as each other (table 127).

43% indicated that they would support a campaign to stop the building of a new mosque in their locality, against 19% who would oppose such a campaign, with 38% neutral (table 124).

In the event of such a campaign turning violent or threatening to do so, by the action of either of the disputing parties, 81% would condemn such violence but 19% would continue to support one side or the other (table 125).

Interviewees were asked to react to the possibility of a new political party which would defend the English, create an English Parliament, control immigration, challenge Islamic extremism, restrict the construction of mosques, and make it compulsory for all public buildings to fly the St George’s flag or Union Jack. 21% said that they would definitely support such a party and a further 27% that they would consider backing it (table 122).

Quizzed about a new organization which would campaign against religious and racial extremism, and promote better relations between different ethnic and religious groups, 20% said that they would definitely and another 48% that they might possibly support it (table 123).

Hopefully, this gallop through a veritable mountain of statistics will give BRIN readers some insight into the range of questions posed in this Populus/Searchlight survey, and some sense of the research potential of the dataset.

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Ghostly Encounters

Despite huge advances in science and technology, more than 11 million adult Britons claim to have experienced a ghost, according to a newly-released opinion poll commissioned by Professor Richard Wiseman of the University of Hertfordshire, and widely featured in the media during recent days.

The extensive coverage was fuelled by a Press Association report, replete with a ghost map of Britain, which was reproduced by the Daily Mail whose story-line was that ‘ghosts are busting out all over Britain’.

The survey concerned was conducted online by YouGov between 1 and 3 February 2011 among a representative sample of 2,040 Britons aged 18 and over. The data tables are available at: 

http://today.yougov.co.uk/sites/today.yougov.co.uk/files/Results_for_University_of_Hertfordshire_Ghosts_OM_2011_025__03_02_11.pdf

Asked whether they had ever experienced a ghost, 10% of respondents claimed that they had definitely done so and 15% that they had probably had a ghostly encounter. 19% were uncertain, while 57% said that they had probably not (18%) or definitely not (39%) experienced a ghost.

The mean proportion of one-quarter who had definitely or probably experienced a ghost did not vary hugely by demographic sub-groups, but it did reach 31% among the widowed and 30% with women and residents of Yorkshire and the Humber and the East Midlands.

Similarly, the number stating that they had definitely or probably not seen a ghost was above the average for full-time students (70%), men (65%), 18-24s (63%), the never married (61%) and Londoners (61%).

The publicity surrounding the poll suggested that claimed ghost-sightings have doubled in the past twenty years. BRIN’s own trend data – http://www.brin.ac.uk/figures/#ChangingBelief – confirm that belief in and reported encounters with ghosts have drifted upwards over time, although the grey line between definite and possible sightings does introduce an element of statistical ambiguity.

The current YouGov poll is broadly in line with the Hereafter Report, published two months ago, which found 22% claiming to have seen a ghost or to have felt the presence of a spirit. See http://www.brin.ac.uk/news/?p=848

Wiseman himself professes to be ‘extremely sceptical about the existence of ghosts’. He is quoted in the media as inclining to attribute increased sightings to the influence of television ghost shows, such as Most Haunted and Ghost Hunters, rather than to genuine psychic activity. He also cites as a possible contributory cause the decline in traditional religious beliefs.

In his brand new book from Macmillan, Paranormality: why we see what isn’t there, Wiseman argues that ghostly experiences can be traced to a variety of factors, including suggestion, light effects, low-frequency sound, waking dreams, and anxiety. A particular phenomenon is the state of ‘hypervigilance’ felt by people who visit locations reputed to be haunted.  

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